New Left Notes, June 18, 1969

etc.) have lx*en working
of faetdYy wqrki

This; is »
[5ie\Movei .cnt and 1
rpmai
jiiard

orthodoi^x." althoto
iBvolutionaYy yout!
t*ept, not by *<
movement and
—and by the difi

Y\OTi vm
nd an *«j<
; dlffte rei

rhe student Is

> :

fiin i i i mim i i in

i -op ted groups as middle class
t, this is not at all a matter of
of a wrong anAiloppyi
rtltuto a mechanical, i that is
the dlffertat realm of political
-definition. This U eccajomism

if and deeds — not directly by
; themselves only as the result
i In nature. This is citndltioni
fter a class has declined in 11
is Ideology and classes
epudiation of the necessity o:

ige of white workers a^»d bases'
that white workers participate
s a false rationale (there is no
ng class to Justify imperialism
Ay. Privilege is the bait to get

V. i 1

the fact df colonization by the

iccessories, the prime movers

of the working class
it-, China, Vietnani, et
nemy — or is it! Htii

1 white and black .working class
jus workers who naturally lead
Ddency Is toward liberation and
rganizlng and the ^daa to unity

he vanguard of thei|* part of the
ltical of the black- leaders have
:k demands and claps demands,

ib general nomln^ti in i f blacks
e really mean to fo low| them —
r are you advising t tie

socialist conscioufene s
; feudal ideas-— uiu illy
formist, revisionis ,

t acquire wages
) And not as a
:e nothing of \

a "vanguard in thp
i main role of the w
ls been j won ; ideoW^ic illy

pose the need for furth
lien Is serioiisal
the entire analysis.

There is a grain
mic category! it
f ile, the soldier, p: ■<
ny other . ervice "

—it .supples tjie U i
!Cessity for the' ru! ii
■ket place,
iwmic base— he i
ae cpmmp-^d or
voluntary .servitud
i parasite on tiie £ icial
but a degraded bne , in, ttje direct
•e than his civjiliai
gun arourl. His; s< rvice isi quite
product enters

i.as for example 1 dt the iervfc'

(l In the restricted
Mites to developing his
never, It no more
arles make Mm Ki
i la just as ;v,ucji a

ire, not the econon ic. |bai e.

(cor tint ed|

New Left Notes

PREAMBLE

.. Students foi
it- seeks to
jone brjngihg

> i ^ : i i.

Democratic Society . is an association of young people on the left.; j
:reate a sustained community of Educational and political poncern; ! I
together liberals and 'radicals; activists and scholars, students and ' ;
faculty.' . 1 ; j " ' ; j I

It maintains] a vision of a democratic society, where at all levels the people nave;
^ontfol of the decisions which! 'affect them and- jthe resources op which they ares j
[dependent. Jt-seejts a re|e'van6ej through the continual focus on realities and tn thef 1
programs necessary to effect change at the most basic levels. 'of economic, political,
'and social organization. It fee|s the urgency to! put forth a radical, democratic

THE CONSTITUTION

; democratic vision.".

program whos^ methods embody ;

ARTICLE I: NAMK »

,. The name ofithe organization shall be Students for a Democratic Society.

AHTlClb n: MEMBERSHIP 'I

. Section 1 : Membership Is open to all who share the commitment of the'
organization to democracy as a means and as a social goal.

I Section i : jSDS Is an organization of and for democrats. It is civil libertarian'
jin its treatment of those with whom it disagrees," but clear in {^opposition to any
kuiti-democratic principle as a basis for governmental, social, or political
.organization. I

[-Secttin 3: DUES: The amount and period of national dues shall be determHed'
by the National Council. •

j Section 4: ASSOCIATES: lndtiiduals who do not wish to join SDS but who share

the major concerns of the oijgiinlzatton may. become associates, with rights" and
responsibilities as defined by the National Council.

ARTICLE mi 'CHAPTERS AND AFFILIATES

; Section 1 : jAny group of five or more members may apply to the National Office
for charter asja chapter. . -e

| Sectiejn 2 : 'fr chapter may be chartered by the regional council of the a <-ea
in ' which it is organized, or by the National Council. The chapter shall submit I
a membership, list, a ccTOtitutton or statement of principles, and notification of '
officers or regional representatives.; Chapters may be provisionally [recognized:
by the president or appropriate regional oTflcer pending the meeting of the. National ;
Council or regional council respectively. \i

Section 3: .Chapters are • expected ; to operate within the broad terms of policy
_set. by the national convention and tha National Council. Points of conflict should be;
0 c r rr?d tb NalJ ° na J- Council and a procedure established to make the Issue
bublic to the jirganizatlonj In matters' judged to be detrimental to the organization,!
tm National Council shall have the pqwer.to cease whatever activity has been i
rdught jinto question. Thf matter shall b£ finally resolved by the National Council
ifv pieetipg or : -eferenduthi; ^

ion 4: ASSOCIATED. GROUPS: Independent groups can affiliate as associates!
P/ i SDS by vote of theij membership and designation of a liaison representative;
tp.jsit on the National Council with consultative vote. The representative shall bef
lember of ,-pps. Such association is provisional until the approval of the National:
C odncil. The form of the' relationship shall be worked out in each case between the?
, roup and the National Council. '; . - j;

>1

Jction St fRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS: National or regional organizations!
Ff°E' Programs, and purposes are consistent with ! the broad alms and purposes!'
Ap JS _r m l f" mvited D J , . lhe National Council to be fraternal with SDS and have-
tfatenfal vote on the National Council. Such organizations shall appoint a liaison*
representative 'who shall b> a member of SDS. •

ctioh.6: SDS welcomes the opportunity to Co-operate with other Individuals!
Organizations in jointly sponsoring specific action programs and joint stands •
pacific issues. The National Council shall be empowered to determine specific ;
activity. (Co-operation does not imply endorsement.)

< imperative f

NATIONAL INTERIM COMMITTEE

J ICLE VII :

ie Secretaries shall have the power to call a meeting of a National Interim;

(mlttec, to be composed of all the national officers, on a regular basis and in'
rgenties. Decisions of this body shall be subject to National Council approval.

w'orl :
be m

tU 1

'Sip!

CLE vin

NATl6NAL OFFICERS AND STAFF

SAction 1: the national officers shall be:. National Secretary, Education
i etary, Intef-Organizatlonal Secretary and eight other officers, all to be elected!
convention and to serve as members of the National Council.

r Section 2; The national officers must have been members of SDS at least two
months prior to election.

Si ction 3 : T lie*eleven national officers are the spokesmen of SDS. They shal be
rejstonsible for seeing that organizational and political -policies Ve carried out
I shall convehe the National Council. Political responsibility lies with the three
:r!e(arfes In consultation with the other officers. The three Secretaries shall
: out of the national office. Important decisions in any one area which are made
een meetings of the National Interim Council are to be made by the three
nal 'officer} together. The officers shall-be responsible to the convention and
National Council. \ \ ,

Section 4: TlL National Secretary shall have primary responsibility for th'el^
i(> emontauon qWtional programs approved by the convention or National Council j.

J*aon 5; Thb, Inter-Organizational Secretary shall have primary responsibility
irj Uaisdn.with otoer organizations, bothnstional and international, and for informing
ie,|nenibershlplabout these groups. He/she shall not attend congresses,' accept
onty, or establish formal relationships with organizations without. the approval
the comrentioti, the National Council, or, In emergency, the Nationaljntertm

lion 6: Th<
mCtionlng of

' Section 8: the

Education- Secretary shall have the primary responsibility for
the internal education progratt,

SeJtlon. 7:' TheJ Secretaries shall appoint as
ival of tte National Council

NatiSil^oundll; shall eject

sistants as necessary, subject .to

' ' * ■ '. \ \
administrative bodies to review

administrative decisions of the Secretaries; It shall alt > fill,
the term, position! "Vacated by the national; officers,

ARTICLE 4 : PARLIAMENTARY AUTHORITY. ^-

!or th f di n atlon of

I In all cases not
Edition, shall be the

ARTICLE X : POLI

Section 1 : Any

covered ■ by Ahis constitution, Robert*!
authority governliig'SDS business.

:y and decision

Rules

office rs, may

member of the organization, Including the

expellee- or relieved of\ duties- by a .two-thirds vote of jl he;
process shall be fbllaweq* In all cases.

Section 2: Any wo chapters, or one-third of the. Natl
a national referendum on any question. . '

Section 3 : All s atemente of organlzatlohal policy shal
National Council. ' '

ARTICLE -XI : AMENDMENTS

This constitution may be amended by one of three procedures : .

(a) by a two-thirds vote of the convention in session a
at .the convention, In which case the amendment wilt take
convention;

Cb) by a two-thinis vote of the convention in session on
by distribution to the membership at least a month before the
case the amendment will take effect Immediately upon adoption;

(c) by a two-thlids vote of the membership on referendum,' in wtjlch case $ie
amendment will take effect immediately upon adoption; ' [

- ARTICLE IV; REGIONAL ORGANIZATION

i Iven
ihall

Section 1 : All or some* of the chapters and/or members in a .
area may constitute themselves a region' of SDS. New regions .
constitutions -and be recognized provisionally by the pr^sfden. pencling
regular National Council meeting. All disputes over regional '
resolved by the National Council.

Section i: Regions of SDS shall hold i at least one

he at )Foval of the

mtrbduced
he following

introduced
n, [R wh ch '

^ographi al
submit thi fr
thc nixt
shall

;

meml|ershi|> convent on
Regloi al
leclsIo)is arrived at b;

each year and may establish regional' officers" as; dee necl necessary,!
programs, staff, ahd offices shall be responsible to 1 '
democratically constituted regional council.

Section 3 : While y fundamentally responsible to their regiohal ; donstituendyV
. regions are expected to operate within the broad terms of' policy set. by the natiot al
convention and National Council. Any points of conflict shall be finally resoh i -
by the National Council. *

Section 4: If qyej-third of the duly chartered chapters' in the keogr flhlcal area
of a region so petition, the National Council shall Immediately cdnside ■ whether to
declare the regional organization defunct and to prohibit it from ipeald li or acang
on behalf of SDS; ( " - -~

ARTICLE V : CONVENTION

•

Section 1 : SDS shall meet -in convention annually, ati a tin;.,
by the National Council, with at least three months prior noticS
.members.

Ini given to s

SectioJ 2; The convention., shall serve to debate major Issi
of the organization, to set iprogram mandates to the national Istalf,
national officers. The convention shall hot be the pbllcy-maldng bod
resolutions. ■ ! '"

s an^ orientatii .
and to<!!6<!t
On specif

Section 3: REPRESENTATION :. Chapters shall elect! tonvenkm
the basis of one/delegate for every five SDS meinbers in the chapter,
to have, five votes at the convention. However, in order W be settee
with- five votes, a wVitten notice of the delegate's election! must ie r
National Office, prior to the convention. Delegates from assocllteo
group" shall b? elected by a procedure 'determined byjthe Natl
National Council ishill draft convention rules, accreditation pro-
■ requirements, (a, endmcnt pending)

ARTICLE VI: NATIONAL COUNCIL

- Section, 1: (a) The . National | Council shall be compos4|Ofa)

from each chapter with trom five to tmMjrtflm IW mber's,

representative for each additional twenty-five members it- fraction
chapter; (2) the eleven national; officers; (3).e<ected liaison repiesun,
associated groups (witfc consultative vote); (4) ljafson rep'reientativfes I H
organizations (with, fraternal vote); and (5) national staff (Sthbutv
National Council' members and Ualson representatives must.-be
No more than three! members from one chapter Or assoclatecSgiTfua
concurrenfly as natiohal' officers. - II' 1

Section It (b) Five or more members residing In ait area\
organized chapter nlay meet", together - to elect a delegate to fiiL
or regional cpuncU.I p-rovided. that "(1) a certUication of; the meltS
bearing the signatures of. at least'five members,- be sent to thenallonal
office prior to tlie National Council or regional 'counclllmeel
is offered that all SDS members in the area concerned recelv.
meeting and election. 1 ; t _ - ■ ', |I

j.. 'Section 2i The NnjtiJnal Cduncii shall be the major pejllcy-
I body of thb' organization. It shall determine policy in the to'
• specific v^ws. within* the broad ortentation ! of the orgahizati]
program priorities and action undertaken by the organization' d
i orientation and mandates set by tlie convention; chartei'- emptors, 1 at
' and;' fraternal organizations; and be eiraiowered to sWpenq cfaapte;
of appeal tothe conveteoti. The Natio^lCoujcUsh^ be^fcnsjbl, „
of a. budget, admintitration of UW budget, and ortnmi(!.nacili W
Wpolntment of • committee chairmen and . representatives to ' other i
overseelnj! the functioning of the administrative enmniittehi idiWti
repbrtl and making ^rrangements for the convention. 1 j J j '•
Section; 3.: .The National Council shall have tlie peper to Ippotjit standing'

committees.'' to • carry! on its vmrit between its meetuigsj!

Sectiin .\if TThe^ajional CowkU sha^l* meet at least fouO limes fe - ,
- shall be forty per ceintof the voting metnbers of wln»-c tlion tlie Nat
has. been .nptifled..Na^ional officers may designate specific) alternates
llalsop representatives may be represented by dosignaUa alter '**'
.groups. • | * 'j* t ' 'i. ' .' J -r 1 i

TP

^ lace fixdt

de erinine t

A quorum':
al Counc 1
hapti>r :i*sV,:
frnm their

I i.

I

fill, (for th * duration of

Ulesjof Order, Revised

the jofficejrs, may be
National CduneiL Que

1 1 Council, can initiate

e the appn

ameniments Introduced
; effect at the following

amendments introduced
Jie convention, in which

1 | ./
in which case ihe

in a given geographh :al
?tons jshall submit thf Ir
sident pending the next
nal bjiunda 1es shall be

membership
led

convent on
'. Regtdi at
tcisions arrived at b;

regional . constituent y,
&ta set by the natiqr
■■■■■! I be finally resob

I the fceogr iphical
■ly conslde
E) speaHig

a timi and
notice •belru.

P. issu
,tional

and
staff,

making bod.

of 0) .
ibers.

Shout
ust be
acjated

v jte)

i area 1 vhen
e to tht
he me< ting
ithe na ional

heetijig
:eived i

and
rior

Icy-ma lhg a id proL
Qf, re olutionj

le toiyn
;aniz : ati \a\ de
lation'

ai-ea
whethej to
or acting

place fixe d
given to a I

onen tali
and to eie< t
on specifi ;

onvenuon I delegates 01^
e ich deleft ;
a 5 a delegat ;
r^c sived bylth
and frater^iE I
Council. Th
and othe

i be si
must

l protfiwJure:

iresentakv
m e addltlona i
• h| ireof in ihij t
on=repjtes( ni stives fror i
m fr^ternar
1 i all cashes,
meters of SDS.
may seWe

there Is no
I Couhctt
elect on,
regit nal

Z) evidence

vf th

iters*; a |so>
fchapte rs,"
iponslbl e for
ixation , jof '•
■to oth r
tfee; ]di ifttnjs

ippol it start Ing

•times
kion
c altei
ed alte

ermine
with

groups;
the rght

he dr^af Ing
rais ngj
or^anizatii ns;
an anr j'al

futd.

Iyeai . Aquo
Nati( lal
tes. fhapte|
from

urn

icii
and
tieir

Vbju doSVt n^ed a

(Submitted, by i
Jijuiii, 'f'hn J^ic
.iachtinger, 'Jim
ind> Steve Tappis)

.arin Ashley,
Mcllen, Te

weathei
to laid*

Bill Ayers, Bernardine
V.ETvy Lung, Howie
y Roii'uins, Nla.-k Kudd^

h way tho

\. VltltNATlUNAl. ^KVOLUTpN

1 i f

! "The contradiction between the revolutionary
* ' peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and
the imperialists headed by the United States
Is the principal contradiction in the
contemporary jworld. The development of this
contradiction is promoting the struggle of the
people of the whole world against US
^ Imperialism and its lackeys."

\ — Lin Piao, j

j Long Live the Victory of People's War!

j People ask, what j Is the nature of the revolution that
r -we talk about? Wbo will It be made by, and for, and
, what We its goals and strategy?

The overriding (consideration in answering these
questions is that the; main struggle going on in the world
today ! is between jUS imperialism and the national
liberation struggles against it. This Is essential in
defining political matters in the whole world: because
it is $y far the most powerful, every other empire and
petty : [dictator is in the long run dependent on US
impenalism, which ijas unified^ allied with, and defended
all of) the reactionary fore s of the whole world*
Thus; 'in considering every ot ler force or phenomenon,
from j [Soviet imperialism -or Israeli imperialism to
."workers struggle"] in Fraice or Czechoslovakia,
we determine who are our : riends and who are our
enemies according tb whether they help US imperialism
or figlit to defeat i J

So the.very first Question p. vple In this country must-
ask in considering i the questun of revolution Is 'where-
they ; stand in relation to tie United States as an
oppressor nation, 11 and where they stand in relation fo
the, rhasses of people througiout the' world whom US
imperialism is oppressing. ' |

Theiprimary task qf revoluti onary struggle is to solve
this principal : contradiction oi i the side of the people of
the wtjrld. It is the joppresse* I peoples of the world who
have created the weitth of thi i empire and It is to them
that ft belongs; tie goal of tie revolutionary struggle
must \ pe the control and u e of this wealth in the,
interests of the oppressed peoples of the world.

It ik in this context tha;.we.must examine
revolutionary struggles in ttt United j States. We are '
within jthe heartland pf a worl I wide monster, a country
so rich from its' world -wi< e plunder that even the
crumbs doled out to the en ilaved^masses within its
bordefis provide for material i xistence'-very much above
the cpfiditidns of the masse i of people of the world.
The tlS empire, as a wor 3-wide system, channels
wealtn, based upon tne labor and resources of the resl
of tht world, into! the L'nited.i States. The relative
affluehce existing ui the I jited States is directly
dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the
Vietnamese, the Angolans, th • fcolritians and.the rest of
the peoples ot the! Third World* All of the United
11 of the I olfday Inns, all of Hertz
(television -set,' c'ar^ and wardrobe
large de ^ee,' to . the people of tlie

Airiiftts Astrojets,
autdm'o files', your
ali-ead; beiong, to
rest of the world.

Therefore, any conception ^n- "socialist revolution*
in terms of the wor <lnjf people of the-United
.tes; falling to recognize t le full stfbpe of interests
of ,thf most 1 oppressed pet ales ,of the world, is a'
conception of a fightlfor a particular privileged interest,
' " ;a very dangerous ideol Dg^. VVhiie the control and
the wealth pf the Lm lire : or tfie people of the
\yorld is alsoltn the int( rests or tn.e vas( majority
people in this countrj , [t tl e -goal is not clear
e start we ill furthei ^the [ reservation of class

1 simpll'
States;

and if
use of
whole
of the
from

society, oppression war, gt noc.idi

emtse
The

ation of evenybrie, incl

the achievement of aclassles:

Winning] state power in the I 5 will

Not e r ery ; -colony

the m htary forces [of the I'S
arount he world aid being de eated j
within the US will me a vita part
when ih !. revolution kriumphs ih.th,e '
made j: the people of the wl61e w arid. For socialism
to be i (fined in national ten is'' w! tun so extreme and
historic il an oppres! or nation as this Js only Imperialist
national chauvinism on the «rt *( t the "mbvefnenU"

II. WUAT'JS THE B^ACK C( tON^

)f people

lly

l •• K. colony' only consists W (he "black belt nation" in
the smith; whose fight for^nationSj liberation ls;based on. :
a common land,* culture, history and economic jlife. The

>-ollary| of this position is'that tlack people in the rest
e country are a national minority but not actually ,
t >-- - of tiie colony themselves! so the . struggle for
national liberation is for. the-i black belt, and not all
blacks; bjack people in the north, not actually part of
tne colony, are 1 part .of the working class of the white
oppressor; nation. In this formulation northern black
workers nave a "dual role* *^-one \an Interest In
supporting the .struggle in. the Southland opposing
racism, as members of the national minbi;Ity,' and as
northern ^white' nation" workers whose class- interest
is in Integrated! socialism In the- north. The' consistent
version of this line actually' calls for integrated
organizing'! of black and white workers in the north along
what it calls "class" lines. \

This position! is wrong; in reality, the.-black colonK
does not i 'exist simply as the ^black belt nation", but
exists in thp couiitry as a whole. The common oppression
of black people and the common - culture- growing out of
that history are not based historically or currently on'

their relation to the territory of the black belt, .even
though that ; has been a place of population concentration
and has some very different ; character! sties than the
north, particularly around the land question. '

Rather, the common features of oppression,, history
and culture which unify blaclc * people as a colonv
.(although originating historically 1n. a common teritory
apart from i the : colonizers, i^., Africa, noj-the :»i'th)
have beeq- b^sedj historically onjtheir common iposition

^ing

a"nd the' complete
he people of the US.

goal is the dejkructio f of- US imperialism ahd

work

world communism,
occiir as a result of

oVere rtep^ing themselves
pieebmeal; struggle
of this process, but
US it will have betn.

..lies o it side the bo indartes
within North America, brought, her >
slaves .i .nd whose U bor, as slsives.
are a i li'iternal cc lony wi hinv/
oobn-sw r- nation. W wt this rrteWis !
ar>? oppressed as a ivhole pe jple» ir Uie institutions ah)d
.sucial r Nations of 1 ie" count ry/^apj rt from simply the
cdnsidkition t>f the r class tetlbfj, Income, skill, elf.
as Individuals. JVhat does thi i^olM look like? Whatjis
t^e bajsii fo|--jts tjommon >pp'riSs^ion and Why* Is jit-'

l •

■oppressed by imperialism
of ' tht U3. Black people -
h 4 00^ years ago as i'
built this country,
- 1 confines -of trie'
IS that black people •:

wind

X«» l.ifl XiWs- ' .liine 18| 1966' ' '3 |

blows

rganixe Sebarattly _,, and ^tiermv^f* 116 *' ' ? : t^° ns '
parately at eac i stage of the struggle,/
It is important o "understand the. impi(catioriS of thjsVt
is hot legitirrite f6r whites to ^rganizaUon'ally X
i itervene in- diffi rences among ; revolutionary^ ;.blac)0 .
nationalists. It wc aid be arrogant for Us to attack'any;

ack organization ihat defends, black people [ani i oppose? v
imperialism Un pr ictlce; But it is necessa^y,to develops
correct imderstahding of.the Black (Liberation struggle^
w thin our qwh organization," where an incorrect orie^
w U' -further } racist practice in our" reiatibn^ wim-'the;'
b|ack movement

In the histOEy )f some external colonies, such as
lina 'ai^Vietnar i, the struggle for self determination
ha5 two stiges: a >N 4 united| front agiinst

ir periali-

and

■tatorshipofanti -colonial classes iedby the pr|-le!ariat,
content of \ rich is a compromVse . beHee-'. the t
in crests of the >roleiariat and nationalist .jjeasarits^ •
v pe3t bourgeoisit and national bourgeoisie); and-
developing tut of the new deipocrattc. stage/
jial^sm.

Stoweve.r, the b ack liberation struggle in this country
1 have only 1 one "staged; the] struggle -fqr_
r -deter mlnatio i will embody s wltnlnHt the struggje
roil socialism* t , ] - , '\ -

i s Huey- P. iJewton has said, "Ih 'order tobe/a
re 1 plutiohary nat oqalist, yop wduld of necfessity^ha^ve to '
be i socialist." T lis is because— given the caste qOalUy. ;;
ppressiori -as -a -people-through^^commori-^legre^'
exploitation - ■ self-determination requires' -being ^
from white capitalist exploitation in ^e'fq^m.pf ''
infi rior (lower c ste) jobs, housing, s'chobis, hospitals^
pri :es. In additio i, "only what was- or became in pracjaiie^
a « acialist progr im for self-determindtion,'— on6:whic1i; i
jade ressed itself ;o reversing this exploitation -f^ could 1
wir the necess arx ■ active .mass ' support : ' in\' the 1 " ;
, "pi aletarian col iny e "

' he .program if a united front for new democracy,
on the other hatd, would not be as thorough", and so ,w
wd Id not win a: active and determined support: from. •'
the

/ ,oi
/ fre

as- slayes, whichj since trie; no abolition of slavery
has taken jth^'fo^ni of caste oppression, and oppression
oi; black people, as .a 'people everywhere that they exist.
A inew black! natum, different frojn the nations of Africa
from which jit came, has been forged by the common
historical experience of importation and; slavery and
cSste ' oppression; to claim that to be- a nation U must of
necessity now be based oh a common national.territory
apart from. 1 Uie colonizing nation is a mechanical
application bf criteria which ,were and are applicable
to different .situations. \ \

What is sbecifically meant by the term caste is.that
all blact* people, on the basis of their commop slave
history, common culture and skin color are
systematically denied access t< particular jobcategories\
(or positions . within job categories), social position etc
rq-fardless of individual sk Us, talents, mimey^or
education. Within the working class, they are the most
oppressed section; in the pe it. bourgeoisie,' they arc
even more .strictly confined to the lowest levels. Token
exceptions aside> the specif c content of this^ca^te
oppression . is to maintain black people in the most
exploitative! and * oppressive jobs and conditions.
Therefore, since; the lowest c ass is the working class,
the black caste is almost entirely a caste of the : working
class,- or positions as oppressed as the lower working
class | positions, I (poor black petit - bourgeoisie and
farmers); it is a 'colonial labor <;C,a' ste, a colony whose
common national character itself is defined by their
common cla^s position.. * ; _ . . :

Thus, northern' blacks do not have a" "dual interest"
—as placks on the 'one hand md "US-nation workers*
on the other. They have a sit gle class interest, along
wltli .all other black people it the l'S. .as members of-
the "Mack" 'Proletarian Colony. !-

HI. THK STRUGGLE FOR
SOCIALIST SF.LFhPETERMINATlON -

The struggle of black jpeopte^as. a colony^-is for
. self-d'eterm nation, freedom/ and -liberation /rom tiS"
'imperialism. Because blacks;haye Seen- oppressed and-
'■• held .in, an inferior social position as a people,, thp'y have
f a right' to decide, organize and act on their jcommon-
destiny as a people apart; [from white ■Inter | ference.J
Black- seif r determmatiojn does 1 not simply japply. to
determinati Ki of their , collective political destiny at]
some futur; time; It isj directly tied to the fact that
• because ai! blacks experience ^oppression in a fora
that; no wMtes io, no wftftes' a|e. in.a position' to fully:
■tnderstand and test^/rom Uieirf .own practice the rer^j
situation b ack people fa ;e ahc\ the necessary response

•r New Democracy (Jwhish i joint

black masses. The only- reason for having; such-
ont y^ould be wheretthe independent petit bourgeois , \:
■es which it wi uld bring in wBtild add; enough Strength
lalance the wt aKenihg or proletarian [backing, jiiis is '<'/
the case: first, because .much of the.blaclcpettJt |,
b'oulrgeoisie> is a( tually a "comprador* petit bojirgepisie j
' -QiV i so-called Hack capitalistsiwho are promo^'by
the power struct ire to seem independent but. ares really ; -y
agt its of white n onopoly capitai),;viho wpuid nevei^hlght

class for an; 'real self ^termination; and secondly,' :'i
bee iuse many back. petit bourgeoisie ( perhaps^mos^^i!^
whi e not • having a ■class'': interest in- socialist
se\ 4deterhun'ati( ri, are- close enough to. the ; .i black

ses in the oppression 'and limitations' ^it' tteir 'i^
coittitions that Utey will support .^many kinds~j)f, (J
sel ^eterminatlt n issues, and, espejcially whey* we- r '' i
mo'ement is wnning, can be. won \io' suppbrt ■ fuJI*H
(socialist) self-d iterminatlon. For the [black ^ jfnpvemont . j
work to ma timize .this support "from trie j petit:'
boi rgeoisie is. c< rrect; but it is in no way .a united, ft I
wh re it is clea- that the" Black Liberation Movemant
shi uld not .and does not modify, the revolutionary
so ialist cohteni of its stand to win "that support.

IV BLACK LIB! RATION ^ftBAfJS'REv'oLUTION -
hat is the r ilationshlp.of.'lhe struggle for 'black
f-detef minatio t to the whole world-wide revolution ■■
defeat IS mperialism and Internationalize jts : ,
ources'toWard the goal of creatinga classless world?- V
* - * '' K. s '1 .- : •■'

\ !vo black self-determination could be|wo:, which would
tit . re.-slt in a \ ictory for trie interna'^onai.. revolufion -\
a whole. The Hack proletarian color; 1 . beingdispefsed^ ;
such a large md exploited section o'f;the vnprV force., v
e.sscntial to t ie survival- of imperialism. .Thus'.'b'ven E
f the biack ;libe -ation movement chose to .tr^to i attain ( |
se f-dcu ; rminati( n in the form of a separate .country
(a legitimate part of the right to self-determination),

sling sid^W by side. with the US,- imperialism, couldiriot- J
survive if tney won .'it— and so wb'ultl never '^ab;
Hi hout being a^l ;ated. Thus, a revolutionary' natibnslls
mt vement cou^d not 'win without, destroying the slaW 9
bo ;er of the| ini iWialistsj'and it is for this reason that
tht black liber tihn movement, as a revolutionary :
na ionalisl im^emcnt- for .selfrdeterrhination,.' is *
au i>maticaliy| in and\f itself an inseparable part of '
th< whole 'revol.ut ooary^truggle agairist.US imperialicr*
are for internatij nal sociality. ^ j »-

i fowevoi-r . th? fact that Nblack* liberatioq dfepends. on ,
wh ning' the; w> ile revolution does" not' mean' that It ,
dej end> Wailing for and joining w'ith a mass white
(continued on following pifgw

hi$ is why it is

ces?ary fpr black' icoplct!^ .

* JuM.JS,,19ja,„J'le.K

Left Notes

Herman

(continued, from p jevious cage) ■>[ \ ; *

movement to do It. The teuocfdal opnre^sion of black
peoplej must be ended, ,aj»d does not allow atiy leisure
time to !wait; , {f necessury, black people could win
self-determination, ; abolishing the whole Imperialist
gystem! [and seiiing 1 statij power to do It, without this
white movement! although the cost among whites and
blacks both would be high, j

1 Blacks could do it alone if necessary^ because of
their c^rftralness to the system, economically and
geo -militarily, and .because of the level of unity,

' commitment, and initiative, which will be developed in
wagingUa people's war! for survival and national
liberation. However, we Qo not expect that they. will
have tq do It alone, not only because of the Internationa^
situation, but also because the real interests, of masses
of oppressed whites in this .country lie with the Black
Liberation struggle, and the conditions for understanding
and fighting for these Interests grows with the deepening
of the crises. Already, thj' black liberation movement
has carried with" It an upsurge 1 of revolutionary"
consciousness among whit* youth; and while there au

,no guarantees, we can expect that this will extend and
deepen; among all Oppressed whites.

To pin aside the possibility of blacks winning alone
leads toj the racist 'position that blacks should wait for
whites and are dependent! on whHes acting for them
to win^ Yet the possibility of blacks winning alone
cannot in the least be a justification for whites failing
to shbuider the' burden o# developing a revolutionary
movement among whites. If the. first -«rror is racism
by holding back' black libel atioh, this would be equally
racist by leaving blacks 1: :olated to take on the whole
fight -^and the whole cost —for everyone.

It is [ necessary 1 tofdefiat both racist tendencies:
(1) that! blacks shouldn't go ahead with making the
revolution, and (2) that blacks should go ahead- alone
wluV making it. The only t ilrd path! is to build a white

i , movement which will support the blocks in moving as

Lfa'st as';they have to and are ab}e| to, and still itself
keep up with that black movement enough so that white

| revolutionaries share the cost and the blacks don't have
to do the .whole thing alone. Any white who does r.ot
follow Utis third path is objectivply bllowing one of the ,
other tivp (or both) and is objectively racist.

L% ANTI -IMPERIALIST REVOLUTION
j MO THE UNITED FRONT

Sincf the strategy for defeating imperialism in
. semi -feudal colonies has tWo stages, the- newjdemocratic
stage pf a united front to throw out imperialism and -
*j . then thje socialist stage, sojne people^ suggest two stages
s for the US too— one (to . stop \ imperialism, the
antijiriiperialist stage, and another ,to achieve the
j dictatorship :of the proletariat, the socialist stage.
| It is rio accident that even the proponents of this idea
!, can't U\\ you what it means. In reality, imperialism

* is a [predatory international stage of ' capitalism!
Defeating imperialism' -within the lis couldn't possibly

I have.tlje 1 contend which it coiUdinasemi-feudal couitry, ,
- .of replacing imperialism 1 with capitalism or new

democracy; when imperialism is defeated in the US;
> it* will! be replaced by -socialism— nothing else. One
< revolution, one repiacemeht process, one seizure of-

state power — the anti-imperialist- revolution and the

• socialist revolution, one and the same stage. To talk
of this la's two separate stages, the struggle to overthrow

■ imperialism and the struggle (or socialist revolution,
is i as crazy^as if Mar* hm talked about the proletarian-
! socialist revolution as a jj :volution of two stages, one
"] tht! \overthrow oj capitalist state power, and second the
■' establishment of) socialist s ate power.

Along witir' no two .' stages, there is no united front
with 1 , the petit bourgeoisie because its interests as
a class aren't for replacing Imperialism with socialism.
As fail as people within t lis country are concerned,
■t imperialism is the same

the/international war. again

task a
power
here.

, One
^ide'a is
.'spciali

bour'g*

■"■= possible-, support.

'isle,' who

■■mong
id

> the socialist revolution, for one overthrow of
here. There is no ' united ■ front" for socialism

reason people haVe considered the "united front*
the fear that If we we re talking about a one -stage
revo. ^6n we woulb fall to organize^ maximum

petit

people, like some
fight imperialism on ? '
t for revolution. When the
s for fighting Imperialism
ot for overthrowmg it and
it is still cootrjbutihg to
lot to some intermediate

particular issue, but' werenH
; petit'- bwrgeoisie's interest
"op a particular issue, but t
• .replacing it with socialism^ i
' revolution to that extent-
thing which is, not ;imperitlism| and not socialism.
Someone-not fof revolution iinot or actually defeatiiig
imperiyism eitjher, but We still ^an and should unite
; ,wlth th.eh\on particular issu is.. Bit this is not a united i
<(ront (and we should! not pu ; fori h some joint "united
frontj | jineVwitir .them to tie exclusion of our":own
> politics), because thefF cla >s position isn't against
•'/imperialism. a.s; a ''system.' ii phina, or Vietnam,! the
. .Relit bourgeoisie's class, interests could be for actually
.winning, against' imperialism; tills was -because their
riving it out, no8 overthrowing its-, whole
> ^exetence. For !jus here, "thi owing it out* means |not

, from .
the'

VI; INTERNATIONAL STRATEGY
AND THE BLACK VANGUARD r

What Is the strategy of this international revolutionary
movement?' What are the strategic weaknesses of the
Imperialists which make it possible for us to win?
Revolutionaries around the world are In general
agreement on the answer, which Lin Piao describes In
the following way : s

i, "US imperialism is stronger, but also more
vulnerable, than any imperialism of the past.
It sets Itself against the people of the whole
world, including the people of the United States.
Its human, military, material and financial
resources are., far from 'sufficient for : the
realization of its ambition of domination over
the whole world. US imperialism has further
weakened itself by occupying so many places ln^
* the world, over-reaching itself, stretching; its
fingers out wide and dispersing its strength,
^vith its rear so. far away and its supply lines
so long."
— Lin Piao,

Long Live the Victory of People's War.

p. 122

The strategy which flows from this is^hat Cm called ;
•creating two, three, many Vjethams"— to mobilize the'
struggle so sharply In sp many places that the
imperialists cannot possibly [deal with it all. Since It Is
essential to their interests, they wilt try to deal with It
all, and will be defeated and 1 destroyed in the process.

In defining and Implementing pMs strategy, it Is clear
that the vanguard (that is, the section of the people who
an- ii\i the forefront of the struggle and whose class
interests and needs define the terms and tasks of the
. revolution) of the 'American. Revolution" is the workers
and oppressed peoples of the colonies of Asia, Africa
and Latin America. Because of the level of special
oppression of black people as a colony they reflect the
Interests of the oppressed people of the world fron
.within the^ borders of the United States; they are pa«t
of the Third World and part of thj> international

jrje cJblohV, -but.. all ok them,. throwing UoufcoC
«i^»iWe "thing as nv?rtiii^wing^i; <•

revolutionary vanguard, j (

The vanguard ■ role of the VIeJriamese and other Third
•World countries in defeating ^imperialism, has been
clear to our movement for some time» What has not
•been so clear is ; the vanguardl ^ role black people have
played, and continue to play, [in the development '.ojE
revolutionary consciousness and struggle within, the
United States. Criticisms of theiblack liberation struggle
' as being "reactionary" or . of ! black -organizations on
campus as being conservative^ or "racist" very often
express this lack of understanding. These ideas are
incorrect and 'must be defeated if a revolutionary"
movement is going to be budjlt among whites.
J- The black colony, due to .its particular nature as a
slave colony, never adopted! a -chauvinist identification
with America as.an imperiaUst^power', either pOliticaUy
or culturally. Moreover, the •history joflbja.ck people in
Aiherica has consistently^ been one of jthei greatest
overall repudiation of and stniggle against the state. 1
From the slave ships from 'Africa to the slave revolts,
the Civil ,War,"etc, black ! people have been waging a
struggle for survival and liberation. In the history of];
our own movement this has also Seen the case: the
. civil rights struggles, initiated- and led by blacks in the
■ South; the rebellions ^giiwingjwith Harlem in 1964 and

Watts in 1965 ■ through" Detroit and Newark .in- 196?;! ; :
"the campus struggles at all-bl^ck schools in, the south
and struggles 'led by blacks Cm campuses all across
the country. As it is tiie blacks — along with the
Vietnamese 1 and ntne'r Thii-d ^orld ■ people— ^ who. are
most oppressed by l.'S iTiperia^^'n, their clajss interests
ar<> most solid!) ai/ resolutely ■■*on>nf:itted r to waging ;
" r>-vc*utionary struggle through m its completibn.'
Therefore t is no bopri.^ ,'iaf- time and again,- in ?x>t s .
pbhtical tnntent and level lot consciousness and,
niilitancy, u has been the- bWck' li^e'ratioh movement :
w^iich has u^ped the, ante and defined the terms pf the '
struggle. ' "■■■''); "4', ;. 1 ~J ' - '

- - [ What is the relationship; o£ this ' Tblack vanguard*./
I to the -"many Viebiams* around the world V Obyiously*
i th\is Is an example, pf our strategy that different fronts •
' reinforce each other. The fact] that die Vietnamese are*
| -^.winning weakens the; enemy! advancing me possibilities ;
-for the black struggle, etc. B^t if ".is Important for us" ■
' toi, understand that the ihterrelationshlpj. is more th-xn
*^s; Blaclrpeople do -not simply "choose" to. intensify
[eir stniggle because they wanfto help the Vietnamesei
"teestfse ^they "sk that |Viejnam heightens- they.

*rais;
- tijeii

: : :t'

po! slbllitiesj for\struggle hferci ^elejdktenct of anyone
VUtnani, especially a winning one,]' spurs ot otters not '
. on! y through' consciousness and ^»olce, out tn rough'oeedl
bei ause it {is a poUtlcdlj and ecbnon&lc, s %ell as
military, we^kenliu| of capitalism,. •ahdj^thls means thai
to compensalte, the imperialists are! forced ;o Intensify
tin ir oppression of other people,. ] ] |1* ' r

rhus the loss of China and Cuba and the oss now of
Vietnam noi only entfonrages other opbres; ed [ peopled
(s ich as the .blacks) by showing what ibe al ernative ife '-
; an i that it <an be wpnAbut also costs the t nperiaUsti
. bi lions of -dollars which they then hate to taWoutojr
thL oppression of these other peoples! Within his country ;
increased oppression taUs\heavier jmaj4mp«6ppressed .
sections of ithd population^ so that thi|.<s>n< ition, of aft
wbrkers is wotjsened through rising taVes i iflation ana
the fall of real wages, and^pefedup. But thtH .increased
oppression WW heaviest on\thfe rtostU^ppressed, such
afe poor white workers and, UbectalWj ihe blacks, Top
'example through the collapsed of] ftsle soWjltjes like'.
f. :hools, hospitals, and welf^rk jwhltjh n^orulj hds
tl e hardest at those most dependent on theml {

This deterioration pushes people j to fight harder
tt even try to maintain th^ir iresentilevel The more
tie ruling class Is hurt In Vietnam, the ha -der people ,
w .11 be pushed . to rebel and." to fight fo : reforihs.
B >cause there exist 'successful! models , of r jvolutlon in
C iba, Vietnam, etc., these reform struggles rtllprovMe
a continually, larger aha stronger base tor n volutionary
ideas. Because it needs to majjimUe profiti -by denying
the reforms, and is aware that |thei e cot dltion's and
reform struggles will therefore jead to rc rolutibnar:.'
copsciousness, the rulihg elds Will see ij-more and
more necessary to come down on apy tnition at all,
evbn Where It is not yet highlyi organized oi conscious.
It 'will come down faster on black peoole, bt iause their
oppression Is increasing fastest, and jthis i lakes their
re 1 wllion most thorough and most dangerous, £hd fastest ■
gr owing. It is because of this thattheva iguar j characier
and role, of the black liberation itrugg.te will.jbe
increased and interstfied, rathe^tiian t 6lng Icreaslngly
eqial to and merged uito the|] s|tuat tm ai fil rebellioh
of Oppressed white working peoole and feuth, rfhe crises
■ of ' imperialism (the existence o . VI inam and
especially that it's wlnhjig) ilrili tin refor |i create a
n "black Vietnam* within the US.

(^iven that black self-determlhation wouldlmean fully
criishing the power of the imperialist this j*Vletnam*
has certain different characteristics ihan tpe external
colinlal wars. The Imperialisl
the US" until their total strenffth^d-evett' resource
the / can bring to bear has^bje«Himas fied; i i the. Black
Vietnam cannot t win without bringing the rtible think
dovn and winning for everyonfel (This meai s. that thijs
•wai of liberation will be the most proti acted nd hardest
fou ^it of all. "1 j I j

1 is in this context that the question of the [South must
be iealt with again, not as a qjie;stiori at wh !ther,or not
the black nation, black colony, easts here, as opposed
to i i the north as well, but ratherjas a i ractl :al uuestiop
of s trategy and tactics : Can the Wick 1 berat ;on struggle
— ihe struggle of all blacks 1 n "the coin tr^ — Jgalj
advantage in the actual war of lib- si-atio iby'c( hcentratli _
, oti building base areas in the & dth h terr tory wijh k
concentration of black populatiM ? !
» This is very clearly a different qwstion than that of
"where die, colony is/- and to] his q lestio i the "yesf :
answer is an important pqssib.il iy. If Ihe bt st potential
for struggle in the South wei & ■■ realized, hi Is fully;;
conceivable and legitimate thatlffie'Striiggle there coul^
tak ; on tiie .character of a fMit foi sep ration; and
anj victories won in that direct <in w( uld 'b s important
. gal is for the national liberation It f jthe < olbny as a .whole.
However, because the colony is d spers sd qvj^-the whole
co\ ntry, and hot just- located in die b ack^b lit, winning
sti; 1 means the power and, lib* ration of b acks in the
~iht\e country. | ] 1- . ;:v ;

' "hus, even 'the winning of se larate inde[ endence hi
'the South would still b|j'.or» st p toward
sel '-determination, and hot equvaleit to winning" it;
Z wh ch, because bf the economii posit on pi the colony
I as a whole, would still regard crvertl rowii gj'the state
power of 'the ■ imperialistSj taki gve r pro iuction and
U.e whole economy and. power, ite.'

% VII : THE REVOLUTIONARY '■ "YC i^TH-
1 MOVEMENT; CLASS ANALYSl| -|. •

J 1 he revolutionary youth moven ent piograi i|was hailet
as a "transition, strategy, which expla ned j lot of oui
pas; =work ^and pointed, to ne f ■ dir :ctiOr s for oiu
mbi emenU But .'as " a transition t j whq ; ? Wl at was oiu
ove -all strategy? Was the you h irk veme stratee
just an orgahizational- strategj j bee use SDS is\ai
org inization of youth and-we caiH'movp besf with
yo'ic ig people ? , <■.

W e liav i pqinted to .the yangilaW . nature
stn ggle n this country; as paujt of the^
stri ggle against American imperi ilism
imp >ssibi ity of anything' bu^t anl|iiter|iatii
for winnii g. Any attempt! to put Kprth
'desjiite ,i iternationalist rb'etorie| assumes]
inte iial ; leyeiopm«it to /the hjass |trugg)i
cow itry,- is • incorrect.'j Thje
Uru ruayai s. andr-^ie; Rhodesia
Tbi d .Wo*U| pe^pie^Rhj this
set- the U rms-fbff class, strug
.Ir this', context^ why .an e
^sh^ild yoimg pepple be willing j
Thi xj^Worid|'peolples? Before
abo :t* youth/ howeVe'r^ihere foili
•\ mai i class categories in.Uta wbif

rici,

XifetM ihese
( and the
tfitry will,

i;Apiej
lasis

» fight on
dlngi ith
g'a I it*
,^'moth Sr co
. think are- important, aridjJuTdicate
' sSt^ria^s o£ thf!r M^ctive'^s tfh*re'

stran

if the blact
international - s

I and ,,.|K(

!gy ,wrach, <
' purelj !
_ In hMs
•dsfo 1-the
jacks ;.w
imtinufe.tc .

1-1 ' '-J

ifajfr? Whj j

' s 'questiA^
i^h of the
itry *h"cf
' r pre^
(bearing

7; - -r^ T

J

Xew,-I.eft Notes

/JunejlS, 1969*

according
Most of
which we
jworkers,

whole sectionl of the

the potential f»
and fight for the
>re th* i Just their]
popuUl Ion is of
limply Indi

not r~

r {those who are a<
Jm of the populatio
property a id so live!
power. This [ i
in teVl is of i ' interests]
who lis In it, ' ■ - vei

various sections
revolution will varj
real class Interests).
ie working class, by
istrial or production
illy working, but the
which doesn't own
off of thf snlv of-its
itaphyslcal c%itego-/*
the role it plays. ^:
often is difficult to

As a whole, the longt-rangeinterestsofthenon-colcldl
sections of the working class lie with overthrowing
Imperialism, -rith sup jorting self-determination for the
oppressed gallons (1 icludlng thp black colony), with
supporting an I fighting for international socialism-''
However, virtually alt of the white working class also.

short-range privileges froni imperialism, which.
EN not false arlvilegss but very real ones which give ,
hem an e4ge of vested interest and tie them to L
i certain extent to the Imperialisms, especially when the
alter are in la relatively prosperous phase. When the
mperlaHsts are losin; their empire, on the other hand,
hese short -ft nged privileged Interests are seen to be
«mporary (i ven th&ugh the privileges may be
re'allvel y greater | over the faster increasing
smlseration o' the oppressed peo>les). The long-range
Interests of workers | in siding with the oppressed
pvop'trs are seen r.yne clear y in the light of

imperialism** impending defeat Within the whol?
Working class, the balance of ar ti -imperialist class

interests with while mother counir;' short -term privilege

varies greatly.

Ti First, the! most oppressed ..sections of the mother
country working class have Interests most clearly and
Strongly anti-imperialist. Who art the most oppressed
sections of the working, class? Millions of whites who
have as oppressive material cond.tions as the blacks,
it, almost so^ especially, poorsoithern white Workers;
the unemployed ox semlJcmployed, or those employed at
very low wages for long hours an I bad conditions, who .
are non -unionized or have weak unims; and extending i"p
U include Rtttfe of unionized labo: which has it a lit J?
ajotter off but still Is heavily oppressed and exploited,
rjhls category covers a wide rat ge and includes the
■nost oppressed sections not only of production and
lervicc worfcjers, ' but a lso some secretaries, clerks,
Hgg. Much <rf4htsrcategoi|y gets son e relaave~privileges____
i.e. benefits) from imperialism, v hich constitute some
nntorial basis for being racist or pro -imperialist; but
ivcrall it 1st itself direhly and h>avlly oppressed, so
hat in additipn to Us long-range :lass interest on the
iple of the world, it immediate situation
i strong basis for sharpening the
st | the siate and fighting through to

.iere is the! upper Jtrata of the working
_. is also arj extrem ly broad category,
r eluding the: upper strata of unla ized skilled workers
i j d also most of the "new working class* of
oleta'rianized or semi prole arianized "intellect
"i >rkers." There is no clearly narked dividing line
(tweejn thejj previous -section und this one; our
inclusions in dealing with "que: Hbnable? strata- wilt
i any-eventthave to comefrom m >re thorough analysis
A particular; situations. The long- range class interests
if this' strata, like the previoi s section of more
>j pressed workers, are for the r -volution and agali.it
i perialismjjrloweVer, it is char cterlzed'by a higher
ue\ of privilege relative to the oppressed ^colonies,
iluding the j blacks, and relativjto more oppressed
c rkers in the mother country; so that there 1 ts a strong
i itertal bails for raclfem and 1 tyalty. t*i tine system. .
j a revolutionary 'situation, wher j the people's forces
(re on the Offensive anil the nil ng ctajs^wasclearly
sing, . most of this upper strata of tljeMorking class
il be wihnaple to the revolution; whUefijt least some
;tions of will prcbaply identl: y thei^^terests with,
leriai ism. .till the end and oppost the revolution (which ,
a: 1'. ( t whicjh wilt have to do wit) . more Variabje's than
ifI th:-, [-articular Uvel of pr vilege).V The further
|ei elopment j of the, situition will clarify , where' this" .
;e< uuh .-.Utigo, although it is * Icar that either way
do n<>* pi|t any^mphasis on re; ching older employed
•kets fror^n-this strate-atthis time; The e^reptipn
where they are the black- lib ara turn

triggle, the | Third Worid, or th! youth movement in
articular situations, su h as w th teachers, hospital.
nh;ians, ptc, in vhich* cajes we. must fight
lcularly -hard ,to organiz them arouhd a
iluiionarV 'line of ful suppor; for .black liberation
the international revo utioh ag inst U§ imperialism,
'hhs is crucial because the pri ilege of'thls -settion
bjf pre work! ig class ha i providi d ana will provide a
■ng material basis foi national chauvinist and social
dbniocratic ideology wit tin' the moyement,- such as
iti -internationalist cone >pts of 'student' power" and
'o -kers control." unother J consideration in
uhdi rstandin^ the intere ;ts of His segment- is '. that,
use of trjc way 'it del eloped aid how its skills 'and'
. >rivileges fiere *eamid over t ime^"; the differential .
tv ech the position of : outh and oldtir -workers, is in
man y ways greater for his section tnan any other in
ttfe i lop'ulationl We should 'ontiniie 'to s'^e\t as important .
t uitd. the r^volutionar y youth movement among the
nit i df this strata. K ' • \ •

TI Irdlyi tt« rb are Tmi Idle strata* who. ate nbt petit 1
[jepisie, who may eve i technically beiiuppe^ working

hniicl,
an}d nthe:

llvcuuse their job categories require and [promote a ':U>mv
fai^nUflcation with, the tnterpsts or the. ruling class,
these straU are enemies of Die revolution.'

Fourthly, and last among the catcgorlesswe're goingto
ikai wilh, ■ the petit bourgeoisie. Thls'classis different
from (hi' middle level described aboye,|in that it has
u independent cl*-.s interest which is opposed tfi both
mnnopol> power, aivd to thtyjfawt- The petit bourgeoisie
ci or smull capita' — both business 1 and farms —

and seif^employvd tradesmen and professionals (many
professionals work for monopoly capital, and are either
the upper level of the r working, class or in the
agents-pi-^n\)erialism category), \TtQ content or its
independent class interests— MH-rnonopoly , capital but
for capitalism rather than socialism — gives it a political
character bf some opposition to "big government,"^ like
its increased spending and . taxes Tuid . its totalitarian
extension' jof its control into every aspect of life, and
to "big! labor," which is at this time;ltself part of the
. monopoly capitalist power structure. The direction which
this InDposition takes cari be .reactionary or reformist.
At this time the reformist side of it 'is very much
mitigi'.ed by the extent \ to which the' independence of
the petit bourgeoisie is being undermined. Increasingly,
smijl fcjuslnesses are becoming extensions of big ones, ,
whi4 professionals and self-eniployed tradesmen less
and lesfe sell their skills dn their own terms an^ become
j egular' employees of big firms. This tendency does not
mean that the reformist- aspect is not still present;
it is, ahd there are various issues, like., withdrawing
from a losing imperialist war, where we could get
support from them.- On the question of imperialism as

a syjitem, However, their class interests are generally
more| folr it than for' overthrowing it* and It will* be the #
deserters from their ciass; who'*stay wi^h us.

VUI.iwHY A REVOLUTIONARY
YOUTH MOVEMENT?

In terms of the above analysis, most young people
in tii e US are part of the working class. Although not
'yet employed, young people whose parents sell their
laoori power for wages, and more important who
themielves expect to do the same In the future— or go
into the aifmy or be iinem^loyed4-are undeniably
mem >ers of (he working class. Most kids are well aware
of wt at clasi they a -e in, evenly thougfa.they may not be
very scientific about iU So ourt analysis assumes from
the leginnin^ that jouth Struggles are, by and large,

"^-working class strug(les. ^ut w(iy- the focus now on the
strug jle : of ■ worktn clasjs youth rather than on the
forking class as a mole? j .. i

Thi i p< tential for n voluti(mary consciousness does not
alwa^js always cirresp^nd j, to ^ultimate class
intert st, particular!: ' when', imperialism is relatively
prosf ?rt us ajrid the moVementj is, in : : an early stage,
j At th s ! tage we set working cjass jrjiuth as thos^ most
-open to i rei olutiw r^^nioverrteht wh^ch sides with the
strug ile; of • Third ^ Vorld Jpex^le : the following is: an
attem it to explain al'strategic ' focus o^i youth tor SDS.

In i ;en ral, young people ihav^ less stake in a society
(no fi ml ly, fewer debts, eltc), are more open to new
-Ideas (they have not been brainwashed for so long
. or so wt 11), and- are therefore-more aijle and willing to
move Ir a revolutionary . direction. . Specifically in
Am-;r ca, young people have growjt up experiencing the

' crise: ir imperialism. They have grown up along with
a de 'eloping black- liberation movement, with the
libera dot of Cuba, the fights for] independence In Africa,
and t ie war in Vietnam. Qldef people grew up during
the fl^t against Fascism, during the cold war, the
pmastiiu; of tiw trade union's, McCarthy, and a" peripd
durint wnlcli real wages' consistently rose — since 1965
disposable real inbome has decreased slightly,
panic llarly in urban areas where inflation and increased
'taxatii n fxave 1 bitten htavlly into wages. This crisis in

' imoer al^sm affects all paits of the Society; America
has hi d to militarize !to protect and expand its Empire;
hence the high draft cklls and the creation or a standing
army of throe and a half million, an army which still
has ben unable to win irt {Vietnam. -Further, the huge
defensi^exr^WituresTT-requ'irea for the defense of the

- erripir • and at<the same tims! a 'way of making Increasing
> profiti for the defense Industries— have gone hand in
- hand w ith the urban crisis around welfare, the hospitals,
. the sc K»ls, housing, air, and water pollution. The State
cannot provide 3 the services ^t has been forced to assume
respor sibility 1 for, and needs-to. increase, taxes and to«.
pay in growing debts while it cuts services and. uses
the pi 's to repress protest], The private sector bf'the
econor iy can'tj provide jobs, particularly unskilled jobs..
The e pansion of the defense and educatiqn industries

by the State ;inie World War D fs, in 'part"ap attempt
to pick up itij! ^lack, tKough the .inabilfty to provide "
decent w^gejs' Lnd; working conditions for l^ubllc?;'jobs';
is more^anid-riorfe'a problem, ■/. r ;>,: *|-.

As . impefiajism struggles \to hold, together ihlsV !
dkcavipg sOcfel 'fabric, it tnevltebly resorts ;lq brWp l
force and . aii hbritarian ideology. People, especially »j'
young people; more and more find, themselves- in, the j
iron grip of a rthoritarian institu^ons. Reaction against 1 T
the pigs or, 1 2achers in . the -schools, welfare pigs or i
the .artny.is gerteralizable' and ^xteiid?" beyond the f
parUcular rbj ressive •• mstitution to the society and. tine.; 1
State as a whole. The legitiinacy of the State is called ,,
in.to question for the first tirrie~ in at least x 3fjj«4rs, )-
and the anti- tuthoritarianism- which char'acteriies the ?|
•youth rebellio^i turns into^eje'etion of .the State, ^refusal J
to be socialiied into . American^society.|Kid& used' to "j
try to beat the system from tasldehthe >rmy[or from ]
inside the schbols; now they desert from: the .army ahtJ ,|
burn Mown the! schools. , i i.-. ' "\ ' •

'The crisisj iri imperialism has^ brought- about v
i breakdown in bourgeois- social form's) culture and
ideology* The family falls apart, kidsMeave homey I
women begin o break out of traditional rfemale" and M

mother" role ;. TheVe develops a "generation gap" and
a "youth probl im.j* Our heroes are no tonier struggling
businessmen, ind we- also begin . to reject the ideal
career of the professional and look to J|tfao», Che, the '
Panthers, the liird World, for our models, for motion. '
fie reject the ititist, technocratic "bullshit that tells us '
)hly experts cm rule, and look instead to leadership
;rom the peopl !*s war qf the Vi^tnatnese. 'chiu:k Berry, -
•Ms, the Temi tations brought us closer to the "people's ?
ulture" of Bla ;k ;America. The racist response to' the 1 .
Ivil rights mo 'ement revealed the depth! of racism in .
imerica, as w »H| as the impossibility ot real change
hrough Ameri^ari instUutions. j And the'^ war l againstM
iotnam is not "the" heroic war -against the Nazis";
s' the big lie, with napalm burning through. ^veo^ug : .
e had heard t lis] country stood forT Kids begin JfcasW^
uestions : Where iis the Free World ? And whoyo the

ne? '.I ■■'' v;f'.:y';A

< uestions = Wheh
I igs protect at home ?

, but who are so irivileged and'- 'tightly , t ed to
jiir^pt riiliSm tnrbugh their job roles that they are^agents .
t}noerialis(n. This section Includ as management. ; 1-
rjarate lan yers,: UgJier^civil servants,
giyisrnment agents, briny ^fleers, e.tc.

i ■!•;■; r "'• "• "

V

HA

The breakdow i in bourgeois culture and copcorfiitant\- ;
a iti-authoritariE nism is fed by the crisis in ir^peri'alisrn; '
b it also in turn feeds that crisis,' exacerbites'it so/that i
p k>ple n6 longe :■ merely w(tnt the plastic' '50s restored,? '
bit glimpse an alternative (tike inside tine Colurpbia.
buldlngs) and begin to fight for- it.-: We *n^'Waiit^. - l
t( achers to be more kindly copsj^we want/to smasfi? - f
c >ps, and build a new lifer. ';'

The contradi :tions • of ■ decaying Imperialism * fall j
h: rdest on youh in four distinct-areas -Uhe schools, T
j< as, the draft a td the army, and ttiepigs apd the courtsV '<
0 ) In jkil-llke schools, kids are .fed a inishtrnasfe of. .}:;-.
cist, male chauvinist, . anti - working V class, -■ '{ \
ti communi it lies while being channelled into !
jc) and career paths set upj according, to "the priorities 1 4 '
of monopoly capital. At- the same ^ ttmejaflie- StaWisji ^
b< coming in ere isingly incapable of "providing enough^ 1
mmey to keer the schools going at aj. (flf Youtin-'. . I
unemployment is three times av^age uqempioynnept, ' ] ;

more jobs are threatened by. autonnation or tin.e. , i ■
c< lapse , of spe:ific industries, unions act id : secure ■!
jo is for-ithose already ennployed/^ew^ people iti tiie r .v
la «or market cah't find jobs,' job stability is undertnlned >
(a so because of increasing speed-up; and more ?

olerable safety conditions) and people are less and j
le s going to w >rk in the same .shop for 40 years. And, ? •."
of course, when they do find jobs, young people get the;

rst ones and have the least seniority. (C) There are 1 :
nc v two and a half million soldiers under thirty whp
•ar; forced" to iolicc the world, Rill and. be killed in ;

rs of imperlilist domination. And;(D)'as a "youth' 1 ' -
pi >blem" deveh ps out of all tinis, the'plgs and. courts j , " 3
en ibrce curfewi , set up pot busts, keep people off the , . \
st eets, and r< press any youth motion' whatsoever.* - |

n all of this; it is not that life iri America.is toughest ■ .- % .•:
fo youth or thajt they are the most oppressed/ Father; ■ •? N

m

- it Is that young people are hurt directly — and severely.
— >y Imperialis n. And, in being less tightly tied to tifti ^
sy tern, they a-e more" "pushed* to^joTn" the' black 'W
lib nation strugg e against US in^ridUsm^moy^ypung \
.pe< pie 'there, is less of a material .bas,e. for racis'itj,— , l;
the f have' no sen brity, have^npt spent !20 years secfertrusv
a s tilled job (the white mpnopbly 'of which ts increasingly
ch; lenged by the blabk liberation movement),, and aren't / *
jus about to p;y off a 25-year mortgage on a 'house 'V
Whi!h.'.i5 valuaUe.J. because it's ^located \in a white-
nei hborhood. ' • >^ ■■}..' ^

V hile .these c jntfadictions of imperpaWrrt ValVhard' ,'
' Jl youth, th'ep fdll hardest on'the'Vouth of th* rrjost'.

(cor.UnueatH^otowliiiit page)

!Jdne | 18, 1969 ■ New. l>f.t Notes

t

rman

(continued from previous pagett
_ oppressed ,(Ieast privileged)} sections of the working
class.' Clearly' these youth have the greatest materia,
base! (or struggle. ;They ard the -ones who most ofte.i
get dratted, who, get the work Jobs if they get any, why
* are most abused by the various institutions of social
control from the] army to decaying schools, to the pigs
and tjne courts. And their day-jto-day existence indicates
a potential for nilitancy aixj toughness. They are the
peoplefwhom )Ve can reach who at this stage are most
1 ready J to engage in militarit revolutionary struggle.
Thej point pf the revolutionary .youth movement-
strategy is to move from a [predominant student elite
baseltb more op)ressed (les$ privileged) working class
youth' | as a w y of deepening and expanding the
revolutionary yo ith \ movement — not of giving up what
we have gained, hot giving ; up our old car for a new
Dodge'.! This is jart of a strategy to reach the entire
"working class to ingage, in struggle against imperialism;
moving from mo e privileged sections of white working
class youth to t tore oppressed sections to the entire
working class a a ; whole. Including importantly what
has cla.ssicaily* t een called | the industrial proletariat.
But this should jot be taken to .mean that there I* a
^ magic (moment, ater we reach a certain percentage of
the working clas ;, when ,aii of a sudden we become a
working class m< vement. We are -already that if we put. 4
forward internal matist proletarian politics. We also
.don't have to wat to become a revolutionary force.

f-conscious revolutionary force from
be a mo ement which takes issues
group— THE PEOPLE" — who will
make (.the revolution. We must be a revolutionary
.movement of peopl i uridersta; kling the necessity to. reach
more people, all, working people, as we make the
revolution. '

The; above arguments make U clear that it is both
important and pos iible to r< ach young people wherever
il in the she ps, but also in the schools,
l- n the stnets — so as t^ recruit them
e of the oppressed peoples of the world.
I « part of the International Liberation
;ssity to build this International
n 'America leads to certain priorities
revolutior ary youth movement which '
)' apply this lummer". ...

We must be a sel
the beginning, no
to some mystical

they 4re — not onl;
in the! army, and-
to figHt on the side
Young people will
Army; Tpe^ nee
Liberation Army
in practice for thi
we should begin to

IX. IMPERIALISM

"The Commu lists are
other workini
the national

-bourgeoisie 1 as ' to pass

arid everywhe
mbyement as

we build; how do
tried ' to, .lay out
.Consciousness which we warif
as. a mass const
power as part

■sfuuld be, oi
neither understate
a reyo Utiori- nor

IS THE ISSUE

istinguished from the
class parties by this only: 1. In
struggles of the proletariat of

different coin tries, they jpoint out and bring to
the ' front the common interests' of the entire,
proletariat,' ndepen^entiy of all nationality.
2„; In the. var ous stages bf development which
tHe| struggle of the/work ng class-agairist the

hrough, they always

re represen the interests of the
a whole." (Communist Manifesto)

tfow.-do^we reich youth; what kinds of struggles do
- - j - we malke a revolution? What we have
so- far is- tlje political content of the
to extend ! and' develop]
Ipusness : thfe .necessity to build our:
f the whole international revolution

io smaih the stat »' power of tqe imperialists and build
^socialism. Beside
involve masses
are faced with'

s- consciousness of this task, we must
f people in accomplishing it. Yet we
situation in {which almost all of the
pi&1>iej Whose inte -esis are served by these goals, and
! who -should be, oil even are,- sympathetic to revolution,
the specific tasks involved in making
participate itt accomplishing them.
On thej (whole, pebble don't join revolutions just because
revoluji anaries t< 11 .them, "to. The oppressioi) of the
systenj affects -people 'in particular ways, and the
develop nent of jpo itieal consciousness and part cipation
begins | -jvith 'partic iiar problems J which turn into issues
"V must -transform people's everyday
problems, and the issues and struggles growing out of
! them, : nto revolutionary consciousness^ active "and
^conscious opposition to racisin and imperialism.

Thisj >s. directly counterposrjd to assuming that
; struggles around immediate issues will lead naturally
;. over tine to strug >le against tmperiaUspi.! It has been
. argued, -that ■ sinci people's oppression \is due to
■ [mperik ism and 'acism, then kny struggle against
, immediate oppress on is "objectively anti-imperialist,"
and the developme it of the fight against Imperialism
-is -a succession o! fights for reiorms. This error is
classic^ economisn.' ^ "• .

jant of this argument adm ts that! this- position '
wrong, but. suggests that feince? imperialism is
collapsing at this time, fights f.r reforms bqcome*.
ely.. anti-Cmperialist." * Vt th^ stage ••of-
ism' there ibviously «Hl; be more and more
^or the ir iprovement of| i naterial conditions,
is no guariiftee or increa .ing imemationalist
an CQiismoi sness. )'

one'- ham,': if we.'as revolutionaries^ are
of unders. ahding the mcessity to smash
imperialism and bi fid socialism ihen the masses of
who we wanj to' fight along vith ,\is ara-capable

people
Hwof.-that

Mnderstandi, gi ' On ihe . otheV >«V people are
. - ordinwj sTied. <>* 1 J.Ji. 1

it revn

and kt* present dot
• ution is;* raised «Wr

or to undertake the burdens of ; revolution?' We need U>
make it clear, from the very beginning that we are about
revolution. But if we are so careful to avoid the dangers
of refprmis.mi how do. we relateito particular reform
struggVs? \\'» h- e to deve'»i|> feome sense of how to
relate each paivkdlar issue tn the* revolution,
I L". every case. » ur aim *6 raise -.nti -imperialist
and anti-racist consciousness and tie the struggles of
w'orking class youth (and all Working people) to the
' struggles of Third World people, rattier than mevtOy
Joining fiahts to improve material c onditions eve-t thi«n«h .
these fights are certainly justified. This is not to Kay
uiat we don't take immediate fights seriously, or f- fi m
hard in them, tut that we are ^always up front with our
politics, knovjing that people in the cogrse of strugglei
are open to a class line, ready to move, beyond narrow |-
solf -interest.

It is in this sense that we point out that the particular
issue is not the issue, is important insofar .-as it points
to imperialism as an enemy Uiat has to be destroyed
Imperialism is^ always the issue. Obviously, the Issue
cannot be a good illustration,' or a powerful symixii,
if it is not real to people, if it doesn't relate to the
concrete oppression that imperialism causes. People
have to be (and are being) hurt in some material way
to understand ihe evils of imperialism, but what we must
stress is tht systematic nature of oppression and the;
way in whic.i a single manifestation of imperialism
makes clear its fundamental nature. At Columbia it was
not the gym, in- particular, wMehfwas important in the
struggle, but ihe way In which khe gyrh represented,
to the people of Harlem and Columbia, Columbia's
imperialist invasion of the black colony. Or at Berkeley,
though people no doubt needed a park (as much, however,
as man; other things?), what made . the struggle so'
important was that people, at alt levels of militancy,
consciously saw themselves attacking private property
and the power of the state. And the RlchmondjOil Strike
wag exciting because the mili^t [fight for improvement

t j understand it; :
opportunittf, then'
iff in giejr interests, L

of material conditions was part and parcel of an attack
^ on inVmation'^! monopoly capital. The numbers and
5 'miiiianty of 'people mobilized for these struggles has
consistently surprised the left, and pointed to the
poitRtiai power, of a class-iconScious mass movemenU
., The masses will fight forj ; socialism when they
"understand Hhat- reform fights, figjits for . improvement
of material conditions, caimot be] wbn under.imperiallsnu.
B With! this understanding, revolutionaries should never
put ''forth a ltiie which fos'ters the Hfusidh that
imperialism will grant significant reforms. We must'
engage in struggles forthrighily as revolutionaries,'!
I so that it will be clear to anyone we help to win gains
that 1 the revolution rather f than imperialism is .
-responsible fop them. This is \ one of the strengths of ;
the -mack Panther Party Breakfast for, Children '
' Program; It is ^socialism inpractice* by revolutionaries
with [the "practice M ;bf arme^ sell-defense ^rid a "line"
which stresses the -necessity of i oyerthrowing\
imperialism and iseizing state power. Pibbably the
y American Friends Service' Committee serves more
children breakfast, but it is the symbolic viilue of the
program in ■deinoristrating what socialism will do for
people which makes it worthwhile. - :

\VHat does it! mean to organize around racism and.
impSHalism in |specific struggles? In the high schools
(and ^colleges) at thlsjtim?, it means puttingforth a mass
line jto close dbwri the schools^' father thart to refprm
themj so that tjiey can serve ,the people. -jTh'e reasoo\
for this line is riot 'that under" capitalism the schools "
. cannot serve the people, and Itherefore it is silly or
t l illusory to demknd; that. flather|it is that kids are ready
f dr the full sfr|ope of militant; struggle, and already
demonstrate a consciousnes&;of imperialism^ ^iich that
struggles for a pebple-servinglschool. would not raise ,
_,the level of the r struggle toiits highest possible ikflnt. /
Thus[, to tell a kidiin^'ew York^hat imperialism tracks' '
him .and thereb/ oppresses hint is pften small potatoes: r
comftared to , his -consciousness that imperialism 1 ,r
oppresses him, byj jailing himf pigs 'and'fall, and the
.only! thing to do iisShreak out and tear up the jaiU
Andleven wheri ijiglf-school Idds -are'ijbt yet engaged'
in such sharp Struggle, it is cruciaf not to build; •
cohsciousfress )niy around specific issues siich as
trac^ng.or.flO':C.]or| racist teachers, but tp use these-
issues to build toward the general consciousness that •
the; jschoohv shiuld; be shut doiyn» It may be>lmportant
• ( to; "present[a co iception of what-schools should 6V could
,be i)ke (this woi Id include'the. abplitiotfof the distinctipn
■ betwijeen mental and physical! vy>rk), -but. hot offer .this

cues. not contradict demands for] Open a^mlssitns
tolle«e or any other g( od re orm de|mand .{AgitatiohLl
temands for Impossible, but reasonable, *eforms afe
- good way to make a revolu ionSry point The demand
• ijr .open adnussioris byi asserting! th^ alternative I' to tfie;
l resent (school) systert expo iesH(ts fundar ental ^atui«
-that it is "racist, class-ba|ed ( iano* clos kl— ^(ititing;
,t3 the only possible soiution^to the'preseit sifcatioi
'Shut it down I" The Impossibility of 5 real open
" ■Emissions— all black and brbwi^peopie idmltted, rio
; unk -out, full scholarship, under] present :ondltions-{-
i • the best reason (that the schools shov^ r oi possibility
i t real reform), to shut the schools dowi ^ We should
rot throw away the ' pieces 6t victokes v ^ gain from
tiuse struggles, fbr any kind [of more opei admissions
r leans thatthe school is.clbserto|clbiing d i^n (it cosis
tie schools more, there; are jnore njilitan blacks ai d
t rowns making more ind more ]fuhdamer tal deman< s
on the schools, arid. so on). Thus oW line in school
• i terms of pushing any good reforms shoi Id be, 'open
tliem up and shutjthem downl" ! \

The spread of black caucus ss in the she is and other
workplaces throughout the ct Lmtry is an >xtension of
tlie black liberation struggle, these groups have raised
and will continue to raise ann-raciit'.iss les to white
w arkere in a sharper fashion ((haii any whites ever havje

could raise them, Blacks' Reading

strug Hes again Jt

. '^oital conceptioj
way ibut thix-ugi
, ■. A (mass line

really possi ile ,to fight for in' any
revolution. -| ' . ' | * ; : ; ■
cibsejdowni e schools or colleges.

— . .j.™™,, -

racism has made the issue unavoidable, s .the black
dent movement leadership [did tfb • whie studenti.
the sante time tiiese. black groujis ha e led f ighte
witich traditional 'trade-union ipaders have consistentb-
n fused to lead—fights against speed up ar J for safeS
(1 1 sues which have become co|sidera ily it ore serious
In: the last few years), forcing whits workers;,
particularly the more oppressed,ito'choos< In anotiii
wiy between' allegiance to the'Wiite mbtiier country anil
blkck leadership, j As white mother country radica*-
w| should try to be in shops, hospitals,- an I compani<
wlfere there are black caucused 'perhaps organi'zii
solidarity groups, but at any rajae pushing tht tmpbriant,
of the black liberation struggle to whites, 'banding odt
F^ee Huey literature, bringing iguys out jto' Panth^:
rallies, and so on. Just flne! white guy iouldplar
crucial role in countering UAW counter- Insurgency.

jWe also need to relate to workplaces wh !r6;thwe is
nd black motion but where there] are [still mapy.youn;
wljite workers. In the shops thje crisis in i mperlalisi i
has come down -around speed-up, safety and wag s
squeeze — due to higher : taxes land intreastd inflatior,'
with .'the possibility of wage-priccj con rols 'bein :
infetUute*?. '■ J 1 j

l\Ve must relate this exploitation! back to ti iperialfsm
THe best way to do this is probably not cau Uses in tin
shops, but to take guys' to city-widej demi nstrations
N^wsreels, even the latest ^dministratio i building
toj make the movement "concrete; to them ind-involvi
them' in lit. Further, we can effect consciousness are
pijck up people through agitational work at f lants, trait ;
stops, etc., selling ' Movements, I handing t it leaflets
about -the war, the Panthers, the conjqianitS' holding.'
overseas _or relations to defense^ industi-y, etc.

tAfter the Richmond'^ s^ri,ke r ; people leaf eted abou
demonstrations in support[ of tlie [Cu^cao Oil workers
F^ee Huey May Day, and -Pe^ple^s .Parkl

■SDS has fiSt dealt in any ^adequate way with th<
wdmen question*, die resolution passed at Ann Arbor
dip not lead to much practice', iihojr has the li sed to
male supremacy been ^ven any!|prograniinat d'directioi
within Uie,RYM. : As a re'sultjiwi haVe a \ :ry lindtet
uriderstandir^g. of the tie-up b^tW fen jimpei ialism a
the women" question,- although we 1 now; Uiat ! ihee Worh
wkr II the differential betwe^i \ men's an I. women's
wages has htcreased, and guesji. t at t^ie brsakdown o:
the family is crucial to the womai question, dffow do w(
organize women against racism ^ni imperial sm wii
sunmerging the ' principled reyoi ition'ary '< ^lestion- of
wdmen's liberation?- Weihaveinb; real ansv 4r, but wj
retognize 'the ' real, reaitionsu^ | ianger p women'
groups . that are- not self -consciously revolu lonary
ariti-itnperialist.

to' become/ more relevant t|> -t ie growit g women's!
movement, SDS women should bdgir to. see as a primary
.responsibility the seifrcopscioui b -gariizirig bf women,
Wej will not be able 1 to organize wo nenunles s'we sj
dlrectis' to their own oppression. This will be »me more
and more critical as we work mth-i more ^oppressed
womien^.Women who are worldng aM-womer ,' who have
families face male supremacy^ ci fiiuiudus] y| In -their
d'ay l j-to-days,Hyes;.that will have; to le.the sto rting point
in their ppiiticization. Yeomen Wil nWer ie able to
undertake i a full 'revolutionary j-oh unless they break

put [ of .Ih'eir^Voman'sc role, ioj.i , ;crucla (task for
^reyilutionaries.is the creation or iTo -ms of o -ganizatiqn
'in l^vhich wbmen will bfe able [to -take \o t| new 1 and
\independent. roles. Wpmeifs seb^jef inse gio ups will-be
a step.towar I these ' organizatim al ! Drms, 'a >; an effort
to o /ercome women's isolation ind 3uild ,re oiutignary
; self, reliance . ■ \ '■ ' ' \ -

Ti e "cultur U revolt of i wonie i af ainsl ti elr |*xole*
i i nperialis i m. (which is just* )§p ining io liappen- in
a m iss 'way) should have uie^anejs^ rt;bf re' dluttcmaVy
pott^tiai toat- the\RVM\c|laimwi|fb*[' •youth] JcuUure/

■ T^

Tne rpl.e of the 'wife-mother^ ,

niodi "m societies, and the disb ation o 'ithat role ;
unde : imperialism should pwkejwo^ lie. imores 'mpalhefit
i to rt volution

In all of our work, we should tryj o {"ormulai^. demand?
that- not only ; reach' out to more jopp -essed i v/pmen, but
ones -which tie us to other qngoini ■" L -— ' : >-^-
that' a-, day-carp center at il of It:
worn ih^s liberation . struggle to]
stru, sle*

ere must be ,a strt

moi -ment, for without one it! wi i

r i pwtionary

rt actiona y. iri most

St *ugstfes, in the vfay
•*%'<,<-\~i us to tic the

"blac)i : 'l , Kb®rtii(^' ;
I

the

to SI

r *

X. , NEIGHBORHOOD-BASE >
CITX-WIDE YOUTH MOVPMENT

of the ayajem and
struggles is to tie

cay to make clear he nature
working off of separate

with e»ch other : to s tow that we're one
«a* 'movement, riot an alll ince Df high school
students, ■ or stents and QTtt or youth and
black . mmunity. T$.e way
or subregional
regularly bringing people
going on on othej^

t(i the
.the ua
.movement.

will depend on

haven't be n,

other,

But given

on -campus

or students and t
Is to build org!
. — movements, |
in one institution or
fronts.

This works on two le
by bringing kids to differ

With! ■ a neighborhood,

fights,

ind relating these

fight), to each other— nigh school stuff , colli ges, housing,

shops— | me begin to build

■eighborhood

ti-issue movement off of thdm. Besides actions

st rations, we- also pull

day-to-day film show: ngs,

dlff 'rent people

and study groups, j etc.
neighborhood 'ba^es* ' Ink
le movement by doing the
iting our forces at whatever

rallies, for

secpnd level, we-
Ity-wide o:
: ame kind of thing;
important struggles

concenlr

are goinfc on and building more ongoingMnterf-elationshlp?
off of thajU

The irnportance of specifically ntlghb, rhood -based
organizing is illustrated by pur greaijest failing in RYM
practice [so far — high 1 ->rhool organizing. 1 1 most cities
we djon'tj know the kids *ht> have Men ■ trial up and
burning down the schools. Our approach had been elitist,
relating u> often baseless city-wide ; rroups by bringing
thenr oir line, or ptckirig up k ds with a false
undurstai ding of "politics" rather han those whose
practice demonstrates thetrj concret? anti-Imperialist
CCMesMM ness that schools fare prisons. We've been
unwilling to' work continuously with high school kids
as w« di< in building up college chap, lers. We will only
roach; tin high school kids, who are 1 1 m< ;fon by being
in Lhi schoolyards, hangout^ and on the | treets on an
everyj-daj basis. From a nelghborhoo I bas i high°schpo!
liid!, poul 1 be effectively tied in to stru, ;gles around
other llnslilulions and issues,' and to the ant -imperialist
movcfncni as a whole.

ttc|wlll try to involve neighborhood kidt who aren't
in higr. IC uola tooj take thcnS toantl-v aror

ah understanding of
rather than, V "student
ionary youths moverfisnt
_ In lot! of places' where we"'
—^t tying the student mpyemeht-to ■
itruggles IsnT a i substitute, for that.-;
_ llmltci resources we tnust also lead'the -
m >Uon Eito "a RYtfi direction, and we can

; on tl i,-
point

strtt?t!i; aroirid dope; we should.jb<us ;oi> t*em,
thum'.-.iut a I Jtm^titne^Uke theM&anfte^s^iio'.^

role

should relate th i daily oppression by. thf pig to their
In political repression, and develop ,a j .class.. *

galnjs toward city-wide youth movements

st: rr in the schools, etc,

more broadly through mwspaiar.s, films,
. Activists and cj dres whe are recruited in
will help expand and decj pn tt e movemrnt
Rhborhoods and h 1 Rh schools. N Kw Nf will
ed in to the coll ge -based movjemcnt In the
" dlren

be

Influencing

-oriented provincialism, berer

uitir g high school
il where it Is re; 1 enough and >e recruiting
out oC it. In Its most dev< lopel form, this
Mghbbrhc Kl-based movem nt wouh be a kind of
sub-rejgion, In places wher i the mo ement wasn't sb
strong! thl i would be an Imp >rtnnt for n foi being cjo.se
to kids, in a day-to-day way and yet b i rcl iting heavily
to a lot ti issues and political front wh ch the samu
kids ai*e in olved with.

The I sec ind level Is combining the e neighborhoods

Into city-,
mean' coin

anti -racism
at tl e same time

its

ide and regions

the same thing -bringing

HNH its.

tint*

Still ;o;
off-earii
for < nai
clty r w!
not'et

M*t»
people
of the

make grea
by doing it.

Three pri ncl^lei ujjderly this multi - Issue,
'■cross-inslltuional* movement, on the neighborhood:
and city-idds levels, as to ivhy.jt creates greater
revblutiona *y conjscic usness and active participation in .
the revolut on :

(1) Mixing different issues,: struggles and groups'
demonstrat is ourjani lysis to people In a material |way.
We claim t iere is on 3 system and so all these different
problems' h iv^ th^ sa ne solution, revolution. If they are
the same s niggle in he end, we should make thA clear |
from the b< gtuiing. On this basis we must aggressively
smash the hctipn! th! t there can be outside. agitators I
on a quest! m pertain ng to the imperialists.'

(2) *Rela[in ', tcl M ition" : th^ struggle activity, the
action, of ht mover lent demonstrates our '.existence
and strengh to peojle in a material way* . 'Seeing It
happen,', pet pi > gi'ye it more weight in .their thinking.
For the pa rti c.lpahts, involvement In struggle Is the
best educat or about l he movement, the enemy and the
class strug *h , Irj a neighborhood or whole city the
existence tf some struggle is a catalyst for (ther
struggles— it pushes people to: see the moyemert asl
more impo ta it ahd urgent, , and " as ah example and
precedent iial;e5 .it easier for them to- follow. TTthe
participants in a| struggle are bas"ed in- different
institutions o - .p^rts of the city, these effects are '
multiplied, va *iedjpa ticipation helps the movement be
seen as po .itical jCwlolly subversive) rather than, as
separate gr .evance fiihts. As people in,orie section of
the movemt nt light be iide and identify closer -Vith other
sections, th? i^utual catalytic effect of their ^struggles
will be gre; le

fr.) We m^st
HcvolLtion
:hat imders
Pooling our
r.ojes increa
push a mutu ii

XI. THE in

A major f< -cus ir

away from

build a movement oriented toward power,
pjowfr struggle,, and wo must develop'
fig ariori; people from' the beginnir.,T-
r.iisoufce! area-wide and city-wide really
our^pov erMn particular fights, as well as.
lid-Jn-f truggle consciousness,, ■;

ANp.THE ,P1GS

is the pigsL becfeuse tl^ey tie together thje ^various
struggles arouid me state) as the enemy, and.;thus point
to the need
defeat it.

The pigs
the limits

This' w6uld

pec pip to other

larger stale rejaUnti to
ronbiliiai Ion! . AnexAmple

fights I golf K on — only
various bio r-ups and regfona!

is how a ot of people fro n diffcrei t pi icea went to'
San i Viinci co State, the Richmond Oi: Sti ike, and now
Berkeley. The existence of this kind of c ro«s r 'motlon
maVie.s ongc Ing organizing In other pla> :os 1 o farter and
stronger, first by creating j 1 pervasive p illtffbatioii,
awf second by relating cVery hing to the r lost militant
and ad<|anc4d struggles going on so th it U ey iwluence
and set the Lace for a lot nw re people. Further! clUe?S
are a 1 basic unit of arganlz; Hon of. t ie whole ■ society
In'a'wiy thjat neighborhoods urenX F ir ekafi^Ip, one
front Wheri we should be dslng stufr Is th* courts;-
they aire mostly organized c ty-wido, not by amalier
areas. .jThe kama for the city 1 svemmei >t Ue e\t. Schools
whore klds go are in different 1 elghborh >ods from where
thej life, dppeclally colleges, the iai le f<n hospitals
peoif.e I go ja, and where ther work. As i H
question of itaying with peopti we pick up, 1 he r
h a city-wide ar area-wide kind of oricnatl... Is
felt in.our rt jvement.

Anothler ( ilure oi this year was making cli
the |RXM m* ant for chapter m mbors 1 nd s udetlts who
weren't nrtriniztTS about to li ive thofr ca npus for a
community College, high scho« t, GI orWd if— '
or neighbor mods. One! thing It ITIii ill I. UlipilS ;~
relatihg hoai lly to bff-Carnpus tctivltie i are striiggles, ■

as part of tl e city-wide motion, hjot lea rf-'~ tw_ I

moveawrf. Ill e people did for Efi AP stuf ;

the; pigs cp ne
.enforcing car Ita

and bourgeoi

bur neighborhood and city-jwide work

{op a movement oriented toward power to

! r . i «
irej th ;| capitalist state, and as such.deOne
(fill; tblificalj struggles: to the extent ftet
revolution ir; -'. struggle shows signs of- "sue'eess, th'cy
come in an I 1 nar v the piint it ; can't go beyond. In the
jarly stages of st iggle, |he ruling class lets parenis -
come down ■ n, higl 1 1 school kids, [or jocks attack college
chapters. W] en|th<;;Strugg|e. elcalates the pigs come itn
at Columbia the left: Was afraid! its struggle would be
co-opted to intl-pt'Uc'e brutalityj"cop.s off cajhpus, and
said pigs wei enft th^ issue^ Rut pigs reallyarelthe issue ,
and people ril understand this! one way or*\another.
They can -hive a [liberal "j understanding that pigs are
sweaty work ng -class barparians who over-react and
commit "poli :e irurajity* and so shouldn't beo^n caWpus.
Or. they can 1 ndi rs^ahd pigsasthelrep^essiVe imperialist
state doing is obi pur jo)b',is nbt to|avoid\aie issue of
the pigs as, ' dl> er^hg" from ariti -imperialist struggle,
but to emph isi ;e that (hey arefour real enemy if. we
fight .that* str igf le to win. \ - - ' V

J^veh. whenj there is no organized political Jstruggle,
down on I people in everyday life in
istfproperty relations, bourgeois. laws, '

lityi they giiard stores, and; factories

unde standing of po itical power and armed force iamong 1 •
the k ds we'relwith. /\' - |. ,

As we develop a I ase these two aspects of Uie plg'rpie 1
incrc isingly come ogether. In the schools,- pig is part ,
of di lly oppressioi —keeping order in halls and* lunch \ .
roomi, controlling snioking-^whlle ' at the 'same )ime

.pigs 1 prevent kids. Trom handing out leaflets, are} bust',
"outs de agitators. The presence of yputh^b&youth ;
with ttig hair, bee imes defined as organized political \
strug lie and the"- f igs react to it- as such. More apd j
more everyday activity is' t poUtically ttweatenuig,iso! *
pigs ire siWdenly more in evidence; this 1 ih\ turp '
gener ites political irganiiatlon and.opposiH°n, .^nd/so
on. ,C ur tatk-.;'WIU be to catalyze this' development

■ . pushh g ; out the co if Iict with the pig so as to'definfe
every struggle— sc iools (pigs out, pig instituted oilt),

• welda e (invading pig-protected office), the streets. '
(curie v and turf figt ts)— as. a struggle againsVtheJ needs
of cap talism and thi force of the state.. ''j

Pig; . don't repn sent state power as an a^strac* ,
princi le: they ar< a- power that we will have to
overct me in "the course of struggle or' become
irrelevant, revisioi ist, or dead. We must prepare
concrt tely to meet their power because our -Job is to .
defeat he pigs and t ie army, and organize on-that'basis;,
Our \ ;ginnings should stress self-defense— building
defens groups arot nd karate classes, learning "how, to :
move. 1 n the street a >d arounid the neighborhood, medical r
trainir r, popularizh g and' njbving toward (according to .
necess ty) armed se f-defense, all the time honoring, a™ *
putting fOrth' the pri nciple that "poKtical power comSs,
out of the barrel of a - gun.*! -These self niefense groups-
would nitiate pig si rveillance.patrols. 'visits tothe.pig
station and courts v hen. someone is busted,; etc.!
; -Ob* tusly the issjes around the pig' will not come {
down >y neighborh >od alonej^ it will take at^ : least
city-w ie - groups al le to coordinate activities againsU
a unifi ni enemy — in the early - stagey, -far legal ahd "bail
»-,'Soiir :es and turn ng people out for demonstrations, -
adding the power o the , city*-wide mqvement to'what -■
may b initially, onl, a tenuous base fn a neighborhood^ *;
Strugg es.'in one pa -t of the city will notonly provide
lesson , for but' ma erially aid simifar mojjW the
rest' 0 it. : ' i -

Thus the pigs! are ultimately the glue— the neef ssoty .
— that holds the, r eighborhood -based '- and city-ivide*
moven ent together;- all of our concrete needs lead to -
pushin : the pigs ti the fore* as. a political ^oc'us:

(1) 1 liking institu ionally oriented reform strii^glest-
deal w th state powei, by. pushing out struggle tttkjeitheV
wihniri : or getting p^ged. 1 , " •>

(2) 1 sing the city-i ide inter-relation of fights to~raise ! " .
the le el of 'struggle and further large-scale anti-pig
moven ent -power cor seiousness. ' |*

(3) t Bvelopirig spot taneous anti-pig consciousness in
our ne gl borhoods tc an understanding of imperialism;,
class s xuggle and tht state. , ' -. i'

■(4) a «J using, the Hty -wide;, movement as 'a- platform- 1
for re nforcing and, ;xtending this politicization jwork;
like b . talking, abt ut gettihg. together a cityiwide-*
neightx rhood-based : nutual aid anti-pig self-defense--

* networi ^\ ' ' > 1

, All ( [ this can be d me through city-wide agitatibn and
propag nda and picki g certain issues— to have as the
central regional ^ocus for the jhble, movement. ^- '■['"* "■

XII,- RrfpfesiON -At D -REVOtUTION * "' L

As irfstitutiohai figAU and anti-pig self^efedWoff of *
them i tenslfyj j'so vill the riding- claSs's^repressioh. '
Their c icalation' of r ipressib^w^/ihevftaljly . ; |cpntihue'.
accordi g to ho.w thri atening Ute' movement isi to »heir '
power. Our--.task is: no,t to avoid or end..repressidii;;
that ca: always be c" >ne by pidling back, ^so vie're^Qt
dange^o is. enough to ^ squire ;crushingi^metimes it is*.'
correct to do ttjat aji. a tactical retreat, 'to^urvlve i$. .
fight agi in. !. y ,^i> ' ! t
To dqfeat rei^essioj^-^however, is not to^; siop it v
(continued on foUowihg^page)

ed 6A

tfuggles,
Actions.

I

me caihpus
he way they
Jke thi iwtionil
es Will bllld the cm -cart au:
»»ti iuj

Becaiue tie movem. >ot| -will be dehnlns
ct-Lai. jn to 1 lany burl I and i roups, i Dt'just
land tnfl wal anil racl im| as hey hit at tht s
it * l irai a political conteit that n n-s -ji,
retake bj t»U r, and be l lore iu tul lo oikanlzlr
-"-ol . students, t elghbor nod kids, the
th process, t will c lang. ut consck
too; if th.:' i: sues aia right
'iijim; p lople wi 11 develc > a col

Jime 18, IS 69'

tyew Left Notes ■

A

Proposal on the Cuban Revolution

(Tjhe following resol-ition lias been submitted to 'thi
National 4 Conventi' in by Karin Asbleji,' Gerry Long, and
v' Julie Nichatninv)

"'■-'-7 Shortly before Ais- de ath In battle, Jose Marti (leade^
of tiie Cuban- IndLpend mce movement) wrote that he
embraced the chance ip give bis life in the -struggle,
and j *with the indepew fence of Cuba, to prevent the
United States' exiendinj itself throughout the Antilles
and descending wih.thj ( added force upon the countries -
of .-our America." Marl died, and his hopes for true
Cuban independenc i remained. unfulfilled for sixty year*;
V;, as United States mpeiialism relentlessly carried o.it
[ Marti's prophecy ii Cuba and the entire Latin American
Continent. The United States rapidly became the center
of world-wide imp'rialism, all the while Increasing its
economic penetrat on .and domination of Third World
countries, particularly those in Latin America. Cuba
is the first Latin American country to break out oi
US domination ana control. Since our movement to
\ destroy American imperialism from the inside is
i iru Atricably linked with Third World liberation
movements, we si lould understand in what ways the
Cuban Revolution serves as an example for these
siruggles, and we should be prepared to offer it the
most concrete support possible. This proposal contains
a position on the 'Cuban Revolution, a call to support
a North American brigade to cut sugarcane in, the 1970
~_ Ten Million Ton turvestlas a means of demonstrating
-:_ our solidarity, ark a call for a national educational
program on the Ciban Revolution.

V

* I. Description-: Pol

;tical Background

North American
Independence against
•Spanish
domain
neo-colof
Latin
indepi

American
af 'Spam st

ijerition in the Cuban War of
Jpain - (sometEi
>fbi

PliNL

facade, 'behind.
i&t&ii ~$HWtjQ>&s impost.
P WE^ ^^«r|Latin American courfl
l^oT^servile administrators of the

mer : pupp ;ts oCdmrj^rialism", who wer!e
Tcco^jftlfces in th > forr Wj^^^feuba^. as a virtual
■ econohiio posse ssi< n of ^^wS^lfefes.

Under jthej protect ton of il^^^^ftiM^s^^olutrignt'
v military j intervention,, the^Wf Amendment, tariff
^ agreements, \and the sugi r quote arrangement, the US
imperialists. system iticall r carried out-their domination
. of Ciibafi society. No otier Latin American country
-" had it? economy pen itratei so quickly and so thoroughly;
The imptjrialists-iCo itro^le i the best land, all the mines;
■r: the greater part of the! sugar industry, 'public services;
the most efficient in lustries, the electric power system,
j." the telephone servrc e, the railroads, the most important
•* businesses, and the' )ajiks;i'

This jeriod of - American domination of Cuba 1
•^(1902-1958) corresi ortded to the, phase; of development 5
of monofBly capita ism ih fhe United States, and the!
£p^v mechanises of exploitation .and control of Cuba were!
r' an expreision of tiis process. Cuba was a -potential i
market ft r - US surr. lus capital and maniifactured goods, \
as wpU is " a sour :e lot [raw materials. As Boorstein i
L put iii~*k~ was the" [American) monopolies that geared :
- the Cubaij economy to sugajr, dominated its resources, ;

suffocated its indus ry with' the goods they pumped in, ■
r and drained out it s J foreign exchange; for luxuries."
j_ The Iflorth America i economic domination of C,uba had |
. -*ts political expression ih the ""pseudq-republic" with,"
• r '- its neo-colonial bou rgeoisj parliamentary system, while"
the pseudo-republic m government heljied to stabilize I
' . ' 311(1 reinforce economic 'tarnation. The roots of the

Cuban revolutionar; • struggle can be traced to this |"
T ^f^om)i^|doininatioi. 'and political cpntrW.-.abd the logic :
| ; of. the Cuban reyolu ionary process grew directly out W .
•; _ these relations of foi ces»';|

j' The Ciftaji GuerrUl: War and

j- jthe Irfsspjfis for Lat n America |

-i \ In order to t te politically and, economically f
independent; the first task of the Cuban [revolutionaries }
was/to skze powei throjigh " armed struggle 3 and the *
defeat r of Batista's army! In this { first phase of the

by parrying out exemplary' actions , and defeating the
forces of Satista's iarmy, thereby demonstrating th?*
the i epressive brces of the. State were not alf-pQwerful.
People's political consciousness- grew \ put of
confrontation and struggle. "What dlstingui sties jfixe- true
revolutionary worn the false revolutionary is precisely
""this : brie acts to move the masses, the other waits for
the .masses to have a consciousness already before
starting- to act."

In discussing the applicability of guerrilla struggle
as the road -to power in the rest of Latin America,
Fide^ said that Cuba is part of a "much wider movement
on thffftontinent than the movement constituted simply
by tne 'Communist Parties of Latin America* ami'tn^t
Cuba will "judge the content of organizations not by
what! they say they are but by what they prove they
are.,..." It is an illusion to believe that tiie Latin
American revolutionary movement can succeed without
arm4d struggle. And the guerrilla is the 1 vanguard of
that ' struggle j the nucleus of the revolutionary
movement: "This does not mean," Fidel continued, *jthat
the guerrilla movement can rise without fifhy previous
work; it does not mean., that the guerrilla movement
is something that can exist without political direction

.... The guerrilla is organized by a political movement,
by a jpoliUcal organization." What is unacceptable \s the
separation of military and political command arid the
idea [that guerrillas can be directed from the cities*
The Success of the Cuban guerrilla war was bas|ed on
the opposite principle : unity of political and military'
command in the guerrilla force. I

Thife organizational form must be combined With a
strategy of opening up many fronts against imperialism
in Latin America. 'The correlation of forces Of the
-imperialists on this continent, the proximity qf its
^En^?m»Qli*ajn territory, the zeal with which they will
*"jfen d*tee ir dominions in this part of the w^rld,
" lategy on this continent, 'more! than
vl*> r * jjB liiTO rand simultaneous, struggle."

FIRST TO THROW OFF THE CHAINS
•• " * t

ars of the Revolution, pow<r

serve

the r^volutioi
bourgeoisie and
capitalists with iinterfests
and the 'exp'rppria!tion 'and hationatl:
productive forces. Neocolonialism in Cul
an extreme ca/se (because of the extent oi
penetration ofjthe Cuban e'eonbrny) of the t;
in Latin America. li is. charactiib^d by an
system based !on the export of raw mat&
agricultural!- and mineral products) Uritf

direct

tel^.-u.ral campaign , the
Combined ; *ith| poj ular
i as.sassinat on, atteih it on

strategy developed by the !

represented a sharp break j

been traditionally used in l

the premises ' (outlined by [

revolutionary procei s, thi
jguerriilas for takini powej
.from ;the itrategiesj ' Jiat

>Latln Amprica. It C intainu. v.. ; WUUi[1 ^

•.[Ohi*|iii Gtierrilla WatfareJ that^"popular! forces <5m win
'ya^Vjar against the trmy;' (that) it is not necessary to
iwair until jail conditi ms fdr makmg revolutions exist—
, . ^the irisuirection c in ..create them; j(and that)
ufderdeve oped Am« rica' fte.. countryside is the ba^ic
^area. for. armed fig iting.' In his. speech to the OLAS
.(Latin An erican So idarit ' .Orgahizatioti) Conference,
# Fidel - jslressed , : the . jlfficulties Which -Cuban
revolution aries had exper enced in getting the people
accept jthe idea th it they could fight against a modern
professional army ind wi u But it would have been a
.tragic err jr. to let he peo )le believe tha|t'Batista could
• : be. overthrown by leacefu means or .limited, armed
yn uggle': dfl other ^heans, for taking power had failed

tttack on Moncada barracks
Jprising^ general ' strikes,
Batista)..

The :-rolf. or the fuerriOa wa>to moVe ihe masse'v

integrated fnto the world Capitalist sysfem.. The
landowning class,' although it sometimes jirassesses
premeircantile or semifeudal dualities, is Vibt really
a feudal class .since its interests are subordinate to,
and * a function of, the international \ capitalist
bourgeoisie. Similarly, the significant and! {powerful
elements of the national 'bourgeoisie wh^cH dominate !
Latin American society, are themselves domi,nated.and^
controlled by' the imperialist bourgeoisie,"! serve as
instruments of that class, ,and therefore^ must be
considered as a comprador bourgeoisie. This!ijomprador
sector represents the largest grouping of [the:' Latin
American bourgeoisie. The sector which ilcould be
considered as the middle bourgeoisie (the moStbackward ,
'economifally knd technologically) is rtlativeilv,
'due to! the immense difficulty in competing inlindastry,
cornrri^rce, and finance with the monopoHes of the ■
imperialist bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie,' on the
oiher hand, isj a fairly latge sector, comprised of small
businessmen, artisans, service produclngij elements,
«lo»er members lot ■ state bureaucracies ani
professlonals.jThe fundamental anti-imporiallst alliance
during the .Cuban instirr4'ction ;(and at present in Latin
America) ti^p between, the workers, peasants., petty,
bourgeoisie and elements of the middle bourgeoisie :
aligned against the landowning class and the tfi
bourgeoisie, . j | j
Once the< Cuban : fertlutlon took power,' 1 )!! be'gan
- a number of jasic. reforms (for example the agrarian j
reform Snd urban refdrrti laws) which <jld not constitute 1
a socialist progranlj. However,' these reforjns wire
immediately- bpposedj by the comprador bolirgeolsfei .
and as class lines Sharpened, the reformist program
was necessar ly cohyertM into a socialistitprogramk
The anti-impe^rialistj alliance •beca.me an anttlcapltalist '
socialist alliance of the' working" class and) peasants! :
So that' within, the cUteiit of the imperlaUsV systeml
pursuing national goals of economic developn&timeint
overthrowihg American domihatlori anil- |he' "chi if-
Instrument < f ' th^ domination, the compradir 1

■ bourgeoisie and ■lot accomplices. : TH' r Cubig \-
. anti - IVnperia ist rt volution .. became a social! 2* I

revoluUoh, aid as j Fidel said, - speaking, of Cuba s 1 '

■ hisMrtfal. p-j-iticm ill .'Latin .America: ;!|, j-

"V. e lare tin first i eople of this ^ "contlnentlsb abolis h 1 "
the exploltatio i of ins n by, man! It is;true th« we wetfe •'• '
the last- to:bei in (to gain independence aM irU slaves)/ -'.
but it is'alsotiue that We have gone further t^tanybneyi . *!~
i*k,e. We havs' eradicated the capitalist jlVstem if •
• exploititloni we have made the' people the trife' ownei|.s! , .
of UieiWuiure ami ihfelr wealth, WE WERE TKE LASTi - 1
TO.BH'EAl ClIAINS OF THE COWNY^bjiT WE ]

K.4\ t BEEN '
OF IMPERIALISK

In the early!
consolidated and guaranteed by the aiming of the pfeople
(in people's mllitias)\and the; enlargement of thi ] tebel
Army. The armed torw of the BevoluHonary Goveh menf
was their chief class weapon against internal enemies
(counter - revolutionaries) and foreign: enemies
(imperialists and their agents)., .|\

At the same time, efforts were begun to develop the
Cuban economy. Speaking to x workejs|at a May Day rally
.Fidel said: \ j f

* "How many were there who, could understand that
a revolution did not mean that the people would simply
enter an area of wealth, but that ltVneant that they yrould
begin to create that wealth...? There wasn't even a
political organization that represented the will anlieffort
.of all of the people. That is why we sbeak of the tnuinph
of the rebellion instead of the revolution,.*

I "V

! The Cubans see work - as the battle iof their new 1 war -
ihe war. or a Revolution in ptiwer igainst
underdevelopment, and they see the rjtrty Us the
vanguard of that struggle. During the Revolutiona ry War
the guerrillas were the vanguard which, uiroigfr the
, process of armed struggle, created the subjective
i conditions necessary for victory (the; consciousness that
victory was possible by violent meahs), and defAlop^d
the strategies which led to that victory. The socialist
revolution changed the objective relations of production
in Cuban society, the Party is the vanguard whlcnvis
creating the subjective conditions necessary for the
development of a communist society, and developing
the policies for the economic changes I^adin^to an>^
economy of abundance. The change jln consciousness
comes from participation in the smuggle, to develop
the economy, and from an understanding of that process.
As Che said : \\
>

"Kvery worker, on every- ,level, becomes a
for the economy..., their vanguard is. the
composed of the most advanced; workers,
advanced men' who move along bound to ; the i lasses
and in cldse communion with' them.,..T«j; build
^j^omnunism) a new man must be created simultai cousl.
*\the material base."

km Of party members in Cuba, is unique| in the
wE|aN-ld. All potential party members - ri ust be
a^^^jjft^Bl^hase; jn every work -place t iere i
th nominees are hose,T
' work7piace. ■ Th( party
[aljjite each nor inee' 1 ;

(dm ssion.

*nevfliit,inent

Vanguard, that' is, wKeVttey^Tre educa ed for ■
communism. Our work is aimed jat prbvidir ; that
j- education. The parly is the living example;... wit i their
acts they must lead the masses (o. the end >f the
^evolutionary task, which .means years of si niggle
1 against, .the difficulties of construction, the class
enemies, the " -defects of "the pa^t, imperia ism.*

z Internationalism

■What is the history of Cuba if not tke .history cv Latin
, America? And .what is the history! of Latin Aiierica
i' if not the history of Asia, Africa, and Oceania?! And
| '.what is the, history of these peoples; bjut the his] ory of
[t; : the most merciless and cruell 0xplMtati( n-f by
..^imperialism in the eptire worldj*

Second Declaration of f avana

: "Create two, three, many Viet-nanis,
; , watchword," ,i f

i ' Che'i Message

that:

e the

to Triconti cental

Internationalism is fundamental to the Cuban' revo! ution.
! The Cuban^ understand that imperialism muit be
1 1 destroyed liefore .cbmmujiism can* really exist \ a ary •
i ^jjuntry. "Humanity \ comes before on^'s owA couitry,' '
;,says Fidel, and ■communism cannot be built h one
^ountry in the midst of an underdeveloped w >rld."'
'(he imperialists' weapons, against- Cuba f indue s the
blocftade, armed, j aggression/ and mercenaryf'inV isionj-
rsabotage, r infiltration of , spies >aid j pirate J aids,
pVovocations from the US miiibu-y bask (Guahta amo)
i legally occupying j Cuban soil^' and slander ani ties
'(^specially through' the OAS, the "Yankee Minis; ry of
•Oolonies»>. •itorjthb .Cuban rCTolutioiujriw'.f Fidi Itold
'". ricontinfental' -. delegates, .- •tiie . ^tUefiejd aj ainst
i -hperialism covers the whole gf pi e . i. . . (tiie | :ubah
people realize) tiiat the (enemy) who X^cks oii pwn
doasts ' and* our land .(is) the same , »jm -attacks (k ier&'.
And because of .that, we state t id proclaim that
revolutionary movements in any coiner ofv the| fl obe
can .count on :■ Cuban - combatants.* ' -,|
J The First Tricon^riental Conferercj, held.in^. ivana
in JtttMKj.7 1967", was an _ atten & " to- mater alize
Mlid4i:ilyV ■ to 1 ' deepen aiid. solifify revolutj hhary
movements W Third; World, people: |in their, sttiggle\
•against imperiaiisrri. Preparations i )|- this conf^ wicl ,!

r : 1. i

*sei ver,
nei lean
tec edenti

Solid irity
Amei ica

)r the (i st time, deleg ites of the ai tl
:olonIi ill t militant . b 'ganizations 61
tiients miet.itLto frustrate the
Imperialist il'ind of the reactionary for<
.tiients; fa .accelerate Iberation r
usurc I heir | econom c, social
e]opmert;...and| to mail tain active
Inking an I coordinationW all
:hieve or to [maintain their Ind

P

the

f as 1961, d
f Solidarity
ing, which;
first I of such

continent. A, '
vi objectives
the* Peoples
Outlined the

'o i(

ring the |fc
4'. the Afro'-
' ms attended
observers
statement
of the
if Asia,
imp )rtance of

he coficlustohlMn the General pecflaratlon/
tes :

rehce si

from
two,: t
crea ion i

tOjb:eak|outj
to Bi dustria]

t v t
rn. t « Latin
aini ig . the
,ce for the
ar i Latin
m setlngs *.

rialist,
i three

exp
Cont en m
Afi ici

the

•tie
ar i
ark p
coun rie i

the

levt lot ment

all
to tie

ividence that the liberation of Ash ,
America will hasten the, i truggle
and| other .oppressed iecl
the.United States. ..agahpst
cajpital , w . . In Its ; . (urn, the
class struggle and tha£
countries, will contribute
e for: national liberation'
>rlcai and thus, THE
;at the common
Imperialism, and
2rialism, the most
of them all,* )

stress the importance
hk .heart of imperialism
i laiiy Viet x -nams includes
Viet -nam 'within the vei
st .Mother Country:, the

>f Alia
COM *0,N
EN1 :my
P IRT CI

f ;ro^;

of all
Chefs
i call
bound
United

'I

pgy

licy in the early years »f the
wa s based ojri the conviction that readj isting
prio itie? aiic releasing idle labor and reso
unlimited opportunities for economic i rowtl

af the condition of neo-cc
:e and to diversify agricul;ure,

first twi i important goats were
titution ind the development of a
. These 1 ! policies required 1 heavj
gn restj-ves in raW materials,
_ lirig pf ai economic infrastructure
;kWed oers| nnet, and construction*
^ere straij oh the Cuban economy.
sqr\es.; Cfo eign exchange' as | Well

reed the Cubans to n -reval

-, a

NTCBQUrtes) f(

p(j idlesV Acq rrding to Carlos Rafael

s \ epe tha^ strong deriend mce

could tot be^ ended ml a shprt
i\tropiea/ country, Cuba had;: rm

prtxfucts (sue ir, dairy and-nu

fie, .tobacc)) which she cotfid'offer lDothe]
intries)\wi b In turn were capable
stabilized market with good trices.
sugar, 1 primal ily\ meat and djiry prot
fruits would p wide the bulk of foreign
industrial 'd ivelopment posslblel' \
solidifying th ilr own subsistence Bas . Thj£ (dciis on
a^culture bids at\a mechanized ajrL
.will produce capital 1 Ttoi j re-invesllmei A, - #1
' sami time' fr :elng laboisior oiher actl "'
stages bf inih strial.deyewipment are vi
o.from the foci S on agriculture : Indust ies
■a technologic illy advanced \gricultu ill
.(fertilizer, ce nerit, electriclty/agricul ura!
and Industrie which agriculture^ gen srat|
agricultural T b r -products' and processu g).

The |Ten Mllion Ton Harvest of 19'
in Cuba's, eco ibmlc developments.' it w
point oh the road toward .sustained t
The revenue rom this harvest will e abl
backja good pt rtion of her* loans; ijmti g^'
a half biillior 'tons 'of sugar in reseAe and
international c redit rating, thus enab'lui j
machinery re pessary for the t mec.h^i
imRrovemeht (f the agrlwJtura^ sector! -^J;
It will ^provi i ; ■ funds for, the purcha^S '
consumer goo Ij : which are in short st?)p)ly at
time, lr

PtJlitically, t: ■: harvest is also crit ^|>1J^
total m6biliza ion oi the people |to co hDleba,
liillion. ton$. The Party has Triad' (great
.built -people's Consciousness "and theh lm(lejr'. f
■ tha Aiec.Uve'! ajid , importance of the task^"
the laryest, tie organizational capa ity'- l i.
Ilsel* will be suprfeme'Iy| tested. As, Fidel
•the -Jkh Mill! m,.Toji Harvestis the biggest b&W
iba's wa ilgaijisl underdevelopment.,, ^

bolit
for

2.

revi

XL- i^osilion o i

pa^tirfp ir :
mfiv^ment, w : fully!.

of) the

y aimed bt
commun st

Cuba ij

Sc ssic>n nt
Peopliis
Cuban

gg ■ess Ions of
of t ie three

veoples;
cultural
manent

st -uggling
tpeAder ce....*

haviiiK clearly i j Uamed ; a great deal! ftrpmi the^
. f.hort'-bmingi jorlsoclalisiTu as practiced |ln _the Sflvict ■
Union and Eaitejrn Eurbpei ,Th< gradual elimination Of
nitMity, the use of moral lhcentivesi.mass partlcip|!; '*)
in the military and political processes, the biHlffipg of .-
mass conscldusnesi, authentic measures to; de'itroy'- 1
class' differences land to prevent the emergence of a' new ;
bureaucratic class-rail are' part of Cuba*s experiment|
in the creatiwi of p n'ew socialism. " j ; -|"

3^ Cuba has'developedanewcohc"eptofinteniationf(Hsni
expressed In the Second DeclaraUonV-H^vana t^theduty
of every revolutionary is to .make, the ^'revolution'.*
Che's call for "twi, three,.manyVlet-nams'is a strategy
for the defeat of mp'erialism, andj the guiding coftcept
for a. new Interna ional. centered Uthe ; Third World and
linked to the blick liberation struggle as weil as ,
struggles in all advanced capitalist -countries. , l

1.1 "I >
in the
1.0 trill

NeA 1-cft "^te ^."">4*^ 1969 -It
Purposes ol-the Brigade

poU'ticaily, rrioraliyand materially ; supportCuba|
ritic,kl augaij harvest of .97b 'with lts i i" b$
iiin tons.

educate people about imperialism and about the;
internaHional". revolution against iiriperialism. This, wilV-
be act

j P^rop^g mda program-
* an und,i

blatant

its roh

)mplished thfd igh a well^ievelQ^eif education andj
inda program, The program will aim at developing
j rstanding of^S imperialism, not phl^ln its most
militaristic j ESpects (as m \Vietn5mV ,but alsoi;
in distorting dnd in^>eding economic developme'n.t

Africa
of the
Of the
rule of
of

rorkers
idvance
Africa I
EFFORTS 1
Of- ALL
LARLY

:io|us AND

■■' 4. Since- Cuba 3
Americas* | It is
government.;, As '
destructIoh;of '
our] governthent's

i concrete way possible,

thrpugl out the Third tyorld.

, the first liberated territory u> the.,
under ; constant r'attack by we> ; 1)S '
^Jorth Americas" dedicated tq. the "
imp ;riallsm> it is our obligation to oppose, .
policies, .in the most j effective/ and

III, Support Of a North American Brigade
to Cut Cane irilthe 1970 Sugar Harvest)

30q

re volution
call for
for the
irles of
State's.

A brigade of
brigade) ii being
cut cane for the
be divided into
November, ' the
will siay in Cuba
the i brigade will
revolutionary
white working

Americans (called, the ( Yencereinos
organized to go down %6 '■ Cuba and
.970 sugar harvest. The 'brigade will
sections; one will ' leave in late,
in . late January,' and each group
for a two-month period. MenSbers o^
be recruited from \ activists 1 in the
'in this country' : blacks, Latinos,
s youth, students and dropout Gi's,

Chap

' down

i wi
otiier

movi sment*
clas:

. The
to prlr :
and, e •
educati

3,"T i gain 'a. pracqcal understanding of the creatiye
. applies ion of commpisl' prihciplbs on _a day-to-day
basis',
has in

Hie New Left in the advanced capitalist countrieTg-
the last decadje clearly defined itseh^ within the}
traditit n ; of iorialfstpand communut struggle begun a
centurjj ago.' The American mass media and educationaf
have madelthV word cornmunism intb^anawema;
this ekperlence will help us to develop ways of
Combat ing'iantl^communism. ^ ,|

IV. Broking the Cultural Blockade .

\ V- . '* ' ' !

ers should be encouraged to collect badly needed

technic \' and scientific books and journals to bt sent

Cuba,

V. Supi ort. for" a^National Educational Program -

iO, REP and-, flie KF.FP should be eneourigej
educational .material jon the Cuban Tevolutioi
Aplefs should be ■ encouraged -Jto" organize
, oal propels' using these materials, "

peri
m: ny

'urther
. . ; Jbulturat
i pjodi cts, c^tr is firuU,'
octalist
of pit) idfi\g a
nils' hi Snt that
ilcts, an i citrus
i?cchan^( making
Join to

het uban Revolution

,s in an anti -capitalist! ant,>ri ri[

oljowl \g

suppcrtjhe Cuban

ialist revolution t as bro lg it abbut

The .Cuk an

-disiribuibi ojf wealth and created an

reating t|ie economic
society. '

a*nong me vanguard
m and .create a n

Live

} (slibmitie 1 • by [Terry Robbins,. Ohio; Steve Fitch,
Michigan; i qwie ' Jmmer, '♦Kent; and Bernardine Dohm,
Inter-Orgatjizatipiial Secretary)

re gii/be; if' NWli America and
can be called tije./ctiie's ol the
a, Africa, and" Latin America
rprai areas otthe world.',. Since, j
the proletarian revolutionary.'
for. various .reasons* -'bee|\
sldj bat*k in the North America i
European capitalist cpiintriei,
le*8 revolutionary movement ^ n
Asia, Africa,! and | Latin .America has belli
» growing' dgo^ usly.- In & sense, contemporary
world' r ivolut onj also' presents a. picture' >f
ehcircfiii lent of 7 cities, by the rural areas,
:| -In ;the fh al i£u alysis, the whole cause of wor d
v Wpj es on. the revolutionary struggh s
' African, and Latin Americin
make - up the overwhelms g
the world's. : population.

hird \yorld
the entire, imperial

The victory "
for the oppi

. History"

y.

the Victory pf people's Wai

;ouitries, ir: further thje dustnivUnt "I
prialist system (tseif. ';.
of th'e.Vietnamciie people will be a victory-
ipres ietl'peoples of the whole world.

For almost 100 years, >-the pe^letdf-Viethair havt
| b#en fifjhtinj for their , liberationV from foreign
i domination. E irst the French, then the .Japanese, then
| the!; .French 'a jain, ,and- finally the United States have
attempted Xif lorni ate y(e^nam'B economy, exploil her-
resource's ant (ens aye .tieVpeople.. J -
But i thet ef pits of these super-powers to cbntrol
Vietnam' in iti :'pa t nave all, ultimately failed. And the
attempt by ti e U ited States, to maintain Vietnam as
a colony pr ;urh it into, a- graveyard will fail asf Weill -
It Will fail b :cau "e machines cannot defeat a people;
and the thirst for profit by the imperialists will [never
defeat the pec ale*; need for freedom. i

The ^-strui gle . for- national liberation and
self-deterniuii tion by ,'the' Vietnamese! people" occurs t
today in the con ext bf worjd -monopoly capitalism.
Driven by its neec td expand, capitalism must firid^new
ma^kejtsSind l esp'i rces fofall parts of the Third World.
ThusJcapitali ni, lias become — through the extension of
its economy, .culture and military" throughout the
nAo-sdeialist vorlp — an international system of world
imperialism. . This system of world imperialis n has
altered the cla ;s=st|ruggle arid the historical development
crf-the. colonize I'nations, making the ( struggle for national*
^ liberation -the primary class struggle in the world,
j VletaanY is ■ in-."t 1& vanguard of that struggles =
The people s v ar in *Vietnam . will surely win;
moreover, it irMining' today" and will continue] to'win
until the USf i; dri fen out and domination of the country
Ms ended. Tnii is important not only because] of the -
.specific liberation < f the Vietnamese people themielves,
butfalso becauie tleir victory will -nuke it' possible—
as ihelrstrdrale -1 as niade it possible— for movements
of national tibarati m to emerge and intensify irl other

The jpeophk ' of' Vibtnan^ first jwrested their
independence fromjhe Chinese feudal, Invaders, in 939.
They defended themselves against Chinese feudal lords
for D cenojries--j-pnly to be invaded by Ijrench colonialism
around. ^8.50. ' i * '{ | I- . I

The French se'tj up. a colonial administration with i
directs Frencli '.control over ! most part* of ;Vietnam.j
;TJ» French stob^.the lanch* formerly worsted by peasant
farolies and treated rubber! and I rice-' plantations In
Which peasant? worked as tenant I farmers, {
j. Open] armed! resistance , against the French continued:
from, the late |i85u> until 1917. By that time, French!'
.repression was so 'heavy! against any open political;
itctivitv—^even aimed , at reform through the colonial
administration- -that any^group which hoped to . have
anti-French Iripact was| forced to ( gd underground.
, In i 1930, Ho ; Chi Minh Organized tife Indochiiiese
Communist Party. ICP cadres provided leadership in
& series " of peasant rebellions in 193J which: were
j-utallj} crushed by the French. Throughout the 1930*s,
, tommuiists maintained strength and organization despite
' severe Repression. '
i In 1^40 and- J941. the Japanese handed the French
an ultimatum to give up to the Japanese economic and
military hegemony over Indochina, The; -French fere
forced io concede. ] ( ;.■ '

! In May, 194li Ho Chi' Minh met with the remnants
of the central j:ommittee of the Indochinese Communist
party, .and the , Vietnam Independence League was
formed.| The vjeiminh, an ahti Colonial coalition led by
communists, fought agalns^ the ^Japkhese; during World
War' flj eyeing a possible futurj struggle witii the,
French.! In August, 1945, Vietmlnh lorcejs marched into
Hanoi, dedaritg a| Provisional Govejnnient xrf the
Pem,ocratic\ R( public of Vietnam, as -the Japanese
aurrendered tt ;'the| Allies. On' Septempef 2, 1945, .
, ^lo . formally proclaimed Vietnamjs | independence. !
j IH the; r armistice n^gotuationsi ,the Frepbh recognized
"the newly proclaimed Democratic Republic of V|etnam,
and agreed fjo' provisions t for free^ elections in
jsoutiiern-most Vietnam. But the! hopes of the Vietnamese
people fbr freedom and Independence were short-lived.
With 'the creation of a French puppet gfiveniment 'and
the French naval bombardment of Haiphotfe onNovember
23, 194b, It became clear flat the " French were*
ietermined tO| \ colonize Vietnam hit over again*

Thus began the *Ftrst Resistance Waft* waged from ,
1946-1954, that 1 involved increasing H$'^nJlHar> aid to
the French (the t) was paying 80% of the cost' of^flje war
in 1953)1 Nonemeless, the war ended in the complete
'defeat of thp French -and the Vietnamese jrtctory at
bien.-hieft>phu. t\ \ I

p ■■.ided|fo- in" V*v (ifi.ev» agreement, *Igned in
1954, the vle^minh left thje areas under control
in the south, in expectation of elections which v to he
held in 1956. Surely the whole, of Vietnam w fad ha?e
been united inder Ue leadership of Hoj Chi Ml Ihad the
elections been held. j %

But they were not. Once pgain, i the Vietnam jpe were
tricked — and their independence robbed, ihe 13 Ipuppet,
Diem, terrified by the great success of sofc:|Usm:in
North .-Viebunj, set up a fascist style dlctat rstdp In
tiie south, refused to hold} elections, and effectively
declared Vietnam two countriesij *j

In 1960, after several years ofj spontaneous, v|otent
uprisings by ti\e people of South Vietnam. | former J
resistance fignters gathered together ^ and en ated the
South Vietnam Liberation Front --^> wage the 1 war
against imperialism^ to the end ; |

11. The National Liberation' Front j

The National Liberation Front of South Vi Lnam is
a' coalition of all political, religio lis, and social forces
committed to j fighting US lmperielist aggress|oo. The
political aims] of the . NLF have Consistently jrevolved
around five . main points : Indep sndence, del jtocracy,
leutrality,- and peace for South Vietnam witii
;owards Uie peaceful reunification of North apd
/ietnanu ' !
Victory for | the Front, which i i sure to « me, will
epresent the second histo'rlcal piase in rulfiltng die
;oal for* which the' Vietnamese p sople have i fcruggied
ind suffered' throughout this c sntury— a f -ee and'
leacef ul Vietnam. Victory for the Ivietminh ag Linst the
?renchj wldch resulted En the creation of an Ind [pendent
ind socialist North Vietnam, w^s the firs
/ictory for thejNLF Ini.the South will be th(
■eunlfication of North and South wiil represent ... ,
ind final victory. After final victory they will Mnttnue
o struggle in thi building of a strong homelai d and in
ilding the causeior national liberation throagho[ut Asia,
Vfricai and Latin America.

II. The War in fhe Countryside !

a view
South

phase.

second;
he third

From 1960 to
. nd plains qf Splith
aethods.and res

In the beginnin ;
j ene rally isolate i
i taged uprisings
local population,
many to come:
with the 'troops
of the local-population
so that die attac! ing
more men than
men at the finis!
retreat* • ^
These earlier

967, the war in the jungles, mountains,

Vietnam has shown com
dts of people's war.
stages ' of armed 'struggle
groups of forn^r Vietininh fflghters
to get arms fori se^-defena i
These attacks followed ja
I olitical discussion! beforehand
i iside the target area, enlisting
-""i to carry off casualties

force was always 100% i

arms at the outset, more
- sudden speedy night attack,

cretely the

of the
for
contact
support j
booty,

than
swift

* mori Khnoced -
a Saijc m] commani
When- r^tpfofcemd
wquld surround thl
By the tod irf 19«j
not set t in to red
li was the Wctorj
market tile final c
Asians were
comma xiers catie
War" n Vietnam
p&oplei of the Thli
tested as a im
raVolut onarj guer
^By 1>6S the NL
territoi y and the >
Vietnai u In the be
by, the United : Stat
of Viehani and U
on a mi sslv© scale
The process ■
strategsts! and ft
units cf US troc
protect on I again
deterib: atihg US
"(iisslv) defenstv
The US tried
offensh es jdk' 196ft
of the c naitry^4id i
Bach! o fefbtVel w
units, s nd in both
find ret ular units ■
had pa isef comp

rv.Th(

r in th

■ The ret'offensl
began i "n^w ph*!
moyed rom the «
and 4n eri< an baa
stiratel tk victor
poiitica ac nuices
tln\, Pa: is 1 Eallts,
the ipre tent politic

NjLF fighars %
11 of tie 'I' maid
of thou! andi of th
hid am nunitioh,
theVatta ;ks were ]
cofflplel a se irecyy
>f ti^eletO fenslv
of peopl s*s * ar
jDuriT j T ?t,
NLF cc mmi liquet
Atmed Fones/ 1
sCud'entii workers,
Their\ t tiU kere i
they.w.efeb4sed, 1
in selz ng Scores
points.

206,0 0 soidf'-ris
during Tel. Includ
tanks, ifeldotn bcl
ih whoii units

V. Prefent

Beforp
citle:

time
in

Utat

the

tiehj/fsafe
qasesl in 4

road
,ch file NL

cbuntfyi Ide" jtoseti
With the great
creatior of *flxec
can no r ffre n
common icati in
; be .seizod al nost
the spidery- reb i
around : he' c ties.

The . fixal bar
represb t ai 0r|p
jungles and mow i
US -Saigi ri O mini
a' "safe rea. T
area, w [th i tie L
U J bast s an 3 Ini
Althoi jh ti is >t
intensel xooi Bgt
mortars haV> > Infl
that bfiret^pvei
destroye I bn^ he'g:
□ffeiS'Vf .

Thi 'ear* t offi
South V ietna n, c
around he. c idea
naturaV^ riyex s and
systems

Includ ng^ t le ei
areas I am i ar».
duccessfii 'campul
Army's fixed has
reached an ir cred
for this phase o

of ti

VI. '^f ent qwti

In the ci vntrhi

. ThepokJUcal res
for the t>LF, colla

The lil'vl VfT^ta I

"priuF tM p.ir ftz*L
fcmwn ;h tin ' citi

4

lgrd leant

« tnorxj adVJincea variety, fil
SaJ^wi) command post in
When. r*,nfarc* mails would larri 1
would i urraind the re info
By the trid if 196$,' often
not senlt In to retake a! pOsltio i
It - < the Victory at Bin Gia
marked trie final defeat of US
Asians w^re used' asljcanrtort
. comma dersi called the shots
War* lh Vietnam jwas a si
peoples of] the Third .World,
tested as a method of
revolut Miiry guerrilla vl.„. __.
^ By 1! 65 the NLF claimed c
terrltoi y i ni me allegiance of
Vietnan , Id the beginning Of
by the hilted State-a to; bomb
of Vieb am, jand US ground ti

T'a ma isl re scale 1 "Limited
The prtcess since I 1965
strategl its iai fighters
units Jo ■ "S troops as jwell
protect! in against alt
deteitfoi atii ig US-Saigon
■pissivi defensive; posture."

the JS Med desperately
offeVs'iv A 1965-66 and; 1961
of the c< im'lry-s\de and-galn sl\
Each! ol fenbWe ! was aimed at
n both years US
■ units, fiy 1967r
completely into

unfits, a id
find regula
had ij&aifset

IV. The

The

f 19 15

lean ihg

fire wi

ar in the? Cities

, sir ce

cointer-irisurjgency against,
mQvemi ntt thrpug tiout the world,
mtrol pf < ver 80% of the
!/3pfthe »eople of South
15 the dec) sion was. made
he Democratic Republic
enter d into the war

pKrrilli s would attack
r to pr : iv oh if a battlt. .
w, NUF -egiuilal troops
1 lecirnate them,
nts simply were
ici e the wounded,
foiighk 1 1 this way* that'
•Speclil Vax m ' ti in which
fodder atd imperialist [
The fief at of 'Special I
let >ry,for all the*
special war washing !

Conimand

offensive, ,-launchet

began e new phase of the Vietnam

moved ijronj the country-side's In ..
and Air sri< an base^, in keepii g wit.
strategy fdi victory in the Souti . IrnpbJ
political adjrances were, made whicH set
th* Paris 'alks, the present niMtaW
the; present political situation 1 1\ .ViethamL

NLF bghf^rs were atye to jenetrate
11 'of th£ H major US airfields; with the a

of thousands of the local ppjjju!

ice. who I the fighters,
hid ammunition, and carried i allied fo - days before
theAatta' :ks were launchfecL Th! * suppjftt, carried on in
cobiplet i secrecy, was* the dec! ve factor hthesuccess
of. We 1 at Offensive and repres i ited ajgiojious example
of peopl s*s war. I ' -

jrhirin : Tit, an jirban arri < d foijce
NLF co nmuhlques began to sp< ; k of the
Atmed Forces" which; was'-jB- forcef of.
student* , workers, and desertei ! from the
Thei^ tt tits Jrett IdefitiflM bjfii l«fta which
they we -e baped. They were ke; h gadding NLF; fighters
in seizi ig scores .of thousand I cjf arms' snd Strategic
points. ' , \ :. \\ |: : ; [

^00,0f D. sojdiers in to^" Saigon puppk-'a rmy deserted
during ' 'et, jricluding one Imit which test rted in their
tanks. Seldom before had! the buppet4oicea deserted
In whol? units. lit!

V. Pres

one of NLF.,
defeat large
and finding
l pushing a
into a

^eb. of 196f
The struggle
around the cities
overall NLF
military and'
the stage for.
lituation, and

: 40 towns and <
d ot hundred!)

was created,
tfevolutionary
urban youth,
puppet army.

nt Military Situ? tl(

.LA

In tre c<

The'
fur- the
The last
\ «)ri.'.

P9 ltical results of Tel are
i\lS; i »llapse(for the
vsw:* of Hatam adnhds|lisB^ri|i
p-'tificQiioii aroah* u
U>t i Gitit's, i^h^ch

Befpri Te): the US.-^aigon' Co r mand" c Histde^red the
cities ti Bir/*safe rear* from w hi : i to |atta :k, Liberatitti
Army\ bifie8 in the ' country! [de The ,NL ^ had a hard
time app roacliing the cities, a n a i acks\we re hightraids . -
in whici .the NLF jattafcker ; hid to-rmK^ it' back to/
countryside' bases undetected,

With he great victo«6S if 1 1 i Te'^offertslve, ftef
creation of 'fixed ba£e4* aioun! thej^lt es, the Nlf : -
can. noi i fire rockets arid ]mi tar&^ir to - eirbases.
commiin cation centers, -and oil lepojEip lupitiphs can
be seize i. almost at will] and tiw .'NLR-e^ai i riee 'through
the spid jry-yreb maze of tunneli I anijfbrench^.s In and-
around tie cities. j !' y ■ | '1

The' 'fixecj bases* ,bn the w jtsldjrts if'the [cities '
represer t an, organic link conn«i ting^tiie base^ in ' the
jungles' ind mountains {With tiie irbaii' po >ulation.' The
US ; ^gtn ! Command Van! no longtr consider the cities
a 1 •safe rear** The .cities have I ecpme t^ie. frontline
area; w th the Liberation A^my constantly pounding
US base i ana Installations. . . « ,,

v AIUjqu [h this year's cjtfenslve i as pSjt r larked by'ihe'
intense\ roop fighting 61- last^ye ir^ KfLF rockets and.,
mortars have inflicted a 1 degree «* djaniai e .'similar to
that oH Pet.; !Over* .2:000' heUcopt jre^aW' pla^s were
destroye I on' the ground this yekr- -jus^ ip M'aJpt year's
[offensive » A ; ' ' f

I This ; ear?! ( offensive strucli at .'bsisi is throughout.
South V etnam, cOT^ent^ating Qj.:the tai-ge airfields
around t le c ties and the extent ve^chi ipldgical and
naturaJX iver ► and rofdwkys)U^-* dgbricoi jmimicattons
Systems, . \\ ' . ' ; ' *f .

■ Includiig tie successful derferue pi nevly: Hberated
areas tit '. mc around the. cites, aba th< cbntWiaUy
successf il ca iuuOag^ x used tip ptect tit ; LTboratio
Army's Ixed bases, | the lejre oi ( arrhed strpgg^§^
reached in in :redibly high Stage n the NLF's.
.for this phase if the struggle^

>VI. 'resent PolitiraI iS ^tuati6n

4-

effusive jJositinn'v \ iryiiiK lh
month be

-cj»w«B! y>- r^^c^ 'what were
■iipieaj ai-eas" ui ■ U^j",ci)j^tr|sldA. iinlv
■ i-.if- AflprJ I'iet^ithe VSfS^\m|'Ctomman6
to rebuild -
li the areaj

bad to miteWate Jts. 'efforts , >n tr^

river and rdad .communications and cleai

aroand 'bases, as wei a* brying to Htake - prestige
jlargets, ' []', \ ■ \ '],{

The destruction of .the';-, phcificaHoni program
' represented f a major ipliticai. p^feat *pr ti» United
States. As long ja"; ^iiiflcation existed,] the-: so-called
[ ."political war* for titejhearts and minds of Ux> peasants,
| the myth of \ Sai^pn ^bnt^ol and ^the mytii erf growing
■ Saigon power could all r^'pe^tuauad., ; \ .
j; Following Tet,| and- jto this diy, restoring. Saigon
I political prepenci ! IhjuV.counlryBlde— much,less the
I building and, cor solidating ' of power— is Out of the
jquestlon. " Li"'

\ In 'the cities^j

1 WhateVel grip the SaigMa^sling|s': had over^ the cities j
was destroyed during ||reU ; This wj ^ appa'reiit when ky, ,
and Thieu( clung to power by'go^ig along i^ththe US\
policy of 1 •d'estroyingj the .cJties'tJ .save' them** ; The
urban population, it formerly untoiic led Jjy Uie" atrocities i
in the counbiyside, how' know the fascist (erocity of '
i their homes bfelng bombed and their streets being birned 1
to rubble.; j ' ! . ''.:.:■ !-..; .. /A l~ \
! With the destruction rfthe. Saigon puppets', pold on^the
j cities! new Wban poetical! .groups'' ahdl forms have
(evolved; The|NLr|. has, extended It^^ers^lxl' work "
iwtth.studCTts'jand fselfpln^agenient'tomn^
j administrative basis for 1 the building of a hew' life in
liberated zones ha^beeticreated m iprkiny^lass areas'
in the cities; The; seif^'management comriiijtees take
[care of dsy-(o-|da^ needs, like public health and food
I distribution. Armed urban youth act as sett defense
units, and the^NLFiholds Culfairal erentsjn these ai^as.
NLF fighters jhave fjre| : access to those ne^borhoods^
if they need to make tan emergenc j escape^ Strategic .
; parts of the j cities, Uien. | are effectively (liberated,

A new force called the | Alliance of Natidnalj Peace, ;
Land Democratic, forces, i based in j Saigon 1 land Hue,
leirierged 1 after i(Tet..jThje' Alltancdl " • urban'' =

; intellectuals,' former 'members of the Ky-Thi.(>p regime, -|
land : petit4H)urReoisj e!ejhiifentsj The NLF -at^'the DRV- :
Support the political program of 'the. ATiia&ej wMch"
icalls for overthrbwlufitiie] liy-Traeu'regirrie.lsettiri^up \

1 ^^V^' ! I-'

VP
I

^' 1 eh Suu'-f

Ktirifi goi't.'rainenl wnji 5w
Li?uil iDdepcnJcnce.' \
The emergency »f the Alll*(
v , the - ltical strength and the i
rei resents tiirough the massive
wp-hers, the '.overwhelming r
VJi ihamese .people.. Nobody >rai
siti It represents, the final- pt
"'^Thieu -clitrue from- the broad
»i 'strata.

N'l.V, imd-ptSc^pa^pS

<v ts ci?ar evidence
mlltical threat the.NLf
support of peasants arid,
[ojprity of • oppressed
ts to be on the losing
jtlUfal isolation of tijep'
masses of Vfetnafpes«.

Ihe Paris I'pace lalks ard

uSel-Ni-F Peace ^lan

1b in. tight Of NLF pc-Htical mllltaryvhegemony of
the soil of/Vtetnanfi that we musl view the Paris Talks.
Let vis be Very :leaf: the Natianai, LiberMbri^Front
is i ot negotiating from a position of' weakness; netware
the: , by any, stretch of the inuginatior, "selling cut th&
pep ile of Vietnam." Rather, the k rant c ernes pj'Paris
. in; < position of. great^ strength, after eight years-ofAwar.
. thai Has stopped the possibility^ W US military victory,
■wpfi increasing ajlegiance frOm jthei; masses of people
In N ietnam, Jand, wltiiin the liberated tohes,- allowed fo\
the creation- of th- • beginnings of,i new society mat bnly>
bine slthe NLF and the people together. Further,

the ^JLF knows belter khan artyone else Oiat the only! way
tha iputh Vletr,amese 'can tru^y gilntoolr Independence-
is tpt a.rough^.taMiigijbut; .Oiroigh the struggle, tha\
mak's it nillltari y and pol(tlcai)> Impossible for- the'
Unit mP- States to Continue Its gcnocldal 'pr*sence in

Viet aip^pius, evin vhlle n^gotiaflng In Paris, the 'NLF,
has intensified th : fighting' in thi Soutfi— juid redpeed
l.S^: trategy'to.Eui almost oxcIusWely defensive Homing
opei itlon. While , the. talks go- on in. Paris— ^ft shotdd be -
clea :to eyejyope birt the, blind — ihe Frpnt unceasmgly .
cont n\ies the people's wdr In SouthjVletnam. ! t\ *l*

Tfe| Paris' Talkgythen^ must be! viewed as bna-^ore
frpri froni which to' carry oh the Wtttle for VletrianiesjB
free- dm. And, in this context, 1 ] the NrVF has Awon
signiricant victories "in Paris. First, it has esteVfiSpWJ 1
\itsel as an indeptiident and representative spoke&nan-
■ for 1 w peo^le^Sputh Vleoiam. Second, there has'he^n'-^
coirg Ifeta urJty.witiiin. ifik NLF -DRV ranks, ah iir^o^tapt.

d,^ll£o^; , s.havin|^tn ,
with the fl.lP,
"on following p|Lgc)

sht>v« bf power and Fropagarida
bltte distrust between tho US and J
sole existence depends on l-Sfcid,-i
convince Thieu lo] "negotiate 'ipri-j
continue

14 ' Jtine. lfl f 1

(corttiriued

whili; the Fn:

of Including

government.

platform, froip
. position-, and
r arojiind the:

The NLF pejace

ten [-points.,

position on
. for a fair peacb.

, ^unilateral

allies. "■■ r

New Left Notes

NAM

previous pagej

:es it ch?ar~they haye tio^lntenttoi
puppets In their plan for j a coalition
"third, the NLF has had' an iriternatioiaj
i which Jo" win airport, plarify their
urther weaken supporndr : US aggression
wojrld. ' "~-

i plan for the, Paris Talks consists; of .
uo , ten-point program outlines theNLF ,
Vietnam's future; and provide^ the basis
— ^ The main principles of the plan include:

political
they

Clearlj
political

What
revolutiot

of the

jthe peasants
fpreservin ;
not e!

:jof . :

V the
socialism

•wittidrawal of. all US" troops and - their

-instruction of all US military bases arid removal
of c 11 US Avar itiatenal s from South Vietnam*,

beliefs and "their past may be, provided thai
itaijd ' for .peace,' independence' and] neutrality."
the ! NLF 10 -point, peace iplanl reflects' the
a^rris of 'the new democratic revolution.

the economic aims of the new democratic |
? Map -says, ■Economically, ii| aims at the-
nationalization of all; the big enterprise V and capital
tm jerialists, traitors, and the distil >ution a mohg
of ||the land held by the landlords, while
private capitalist enterprise In general and
limhatingJlhe peasant economy. Thus] the new type
('revolution- clears the way ^capitalism
hand and [creates the 'prerequisite for
on the ' other. v The NLF poli^l 'program
the Extraordinary Congress of.! 96T Includes

mperialists
it Into state

oie

the stipule tions|i

— fo, c( nfiscate 'the property of the USl
and '-'their die-hard cruel agents and turn
property.

ing of the question of Vietnamese armed

for> es within Vietnam by the people themselves,

-lithe crea^on of ja proyisionAl- coalifion government
all! political forces committed to peace,
and: neutrality.'

democratic . elections throughout SoutfT

i^to s

— the
trade ■ to
handicraft i.

telp d

to Wsjst'oL
ind< -pendence,

—free and
Vietnam.

k Yoreign

— feunfficE

policy of peace^and neutrality.

the .stipulation, I
laboring pjople.

The new demo :
.also induces thd

•feunfficat On- bjTVVietnam through peaceful means.

V1IL The' NewiDemocratic'Stage ' }

Comrade vtab Tse-tung (has pointed out that
iin the ej och since the October 1 Revolution,
'anti-impeiialist revolution in spy colonial or
^ semi-CDloi ial country is no longer ."part of the
old bourgi ois* |dr; capitalist world revolution,
but is pa;t of ^ the nejw jwoxld revplution,' the
proletariat world revolution. . 'y.

*M; 1 '!;-. Lin Pao

The struggle fori selr-de|erminaHon and liberation of
the Vietnamese iebple 'from US ; imperialism will
"inevitably culninara in a united, soriallrf Vietnam:
The I character of the Vietnamese revolution .in the
pre lent" stage, however, is based entirely oh the fact
.that the most immediate -enemy facing the!people is
imperialism aitd foreign domination, and the absolute
nee-i to unite all progressive elements within Vietnam *
in crder to defeat iihperlai sm,

'. The culmimtion! 'of , this revolutionary stage in
Vietnam's hislory will bp -the establishment of a
■ ^national de'mo" ra\ici union*. Including all revolutionary ,
passes. -Unliti e. jthe "old : bourgeois revolutions,"
jhpwpver, whic i culminated "' in .iHe rule of local
'capitalists, the Viitnamesfe revolutionary victory will
be' a' major step -toward the: building of socialism in .
Vietnam, ' ]

Tjiis ,is due in >' part, to the fac) that world-wide
'rnon'opcly capit libm is no longer a possible, road for j
" ii^ustrializatior or ! progress in,.any Third Wgrld ■
country. Insteai, it prevents* the" development of an
authentic '"local bourgeoisie and enfo*ce|'a backward
'and jcolonial'sta us on Third "World nations, No capitalist
tountry in the Third. W'-rid. cara'avoid being penetrated
andfj controlled,! and eventually red-iced to complete
colonial status,! by.. monopoly^ capital. Imperialism and
capitalism are' thus inherently tied together, as is the
struggle for. national self-deternjinatior. depcndert upon
the | victory or- socialism* In thji epoch of world
imperialism, national self-determination - is possibles
only'toith socialism. Thus, national liberation movements
mjst lead to sofcialism far any degree of] sJccess.

Inj order to'maiAtain Hs domination of "hird World
countries, iniperia ism has made ah alliance with the
m hi reactionary elements Within its cololnles — the
Jandlords, 'the mi itary, and certain sections of the
bour^msie ?|mqsr deperident upon , imperialism for
survival. This aluince is based on the preservation f
feyo iism, fascism, -and colonialism,

l4 order tridelteal imperialisjn, then, the maises must
: ; be i lbbiUiedj. td fi $A imperialism i the" peasantrv , ttie
worlers, and thfc ration as a *hole This requires &e
yorir atiojvpf a oro.id liberation front, with its goal ihe
^defe i of -imperiSi m and the es^bUshmentJof the *new
, "dpm^cra^cv stage.* Ciairmari NlatTtse-tun^'calls this
a "rcw d/mocrati«f 'revolation.% Mao s'ay§, pThe new
demi crane revolution is part of tjie world proletarian
soci list,; revolution f jr it resolutely opposes
Impt rfeltstr, j ^ 'international capitalism."
^ W)at are the political aims of the new democratic

IHBrevo'^tion?- to&p sajs, * Politically, it strives for the
" ^^joint dictatorship of the "revolutionary tasses oyer the
imperiali- ^, trii 1 r dnd reactionaries, and opposes
the ransformallbn <x'. Chjne^e society into a society
^hde ■ t?o' .'ere- U aictatwsntp.* In section 5 'of the
10-p lirt yeace plan,, wfter speaking' of -.the' creation of
a pn iri ia\ cwlition goverrtment preceding trie nolding
. df general electors, the hJLF states, "The! political,
icrcfejfi. -represeAting' the various social strata^ and
I political 1 terjdeniies in South Viejiar-. tnat stand -dr
'peace; 1 ! iridependferice, *id Sejtraiify* . . Ore" oi the
tasks bf the provisional- coalition govemmprt wll be
?tb achieve rmtibndl concord, and a broad unijn of alt
social "strata, poji ical forces', - nationalities, retigious

State bank.

ill encourage capitalist industry and
velop^ industry, small industries- and

land Ipolicy, to carry out th i slogan

, -to enait the

"land to he til erif

}ii additioi t theA D-poiijt peaie plan specifically ncludes]
~ ' 'tmprpve the living condition ; .of the

J T 4] 1 ■

ratic revolution as expressed by Mao
notion of, building up a strong latlonai
democratic) culture far replace the depravld cy ture of
the imperi dists and feudal landlords. The ipLFii AUtical
program ir eludes; the stipulations :| | ]; j

uven a toehold in their country; It is tlea t L i vie' «n
the desire of the Vietnamese for teuhlflcation vAth the
North; and finally it Is ciear because of the leadership
of the' People's Revolutionary Par.y, which has been
cs>v v ntial - for tiie victory of the Vietnamese! people.

Vietnam is tiie Dienilen-phu of U' imperialism.
Just as; Dien-bien^ihu represented the tun toward
victory In the *ftrst resistance" war against the French,
Vietnam represents the' turn toward victor;' of the
oppressed people of the world against imperialism.

Understanding' that the key class contrad: ctlon in
capltaUstn today is between US Imperialism and the
oppressed nations within and \oitside the^ JS, and
understanding that the struggle of jthe Vletnames a people
represents the . vanguard struggle"
'proletariat, we must aid the NLF
home to the mother country'.

We must consistently assert (iur ^support jbr,the
struggle of the people or Vietnam,- for' th^ Optional
Liberation Front, and for the Teh Poirit Program for
Peace presented in Paris.; '■['

We must bidld increasingly sharp struggles,
because; that Is the only way wefcan^builda t_„.__ .,
movement at home, but' because it is the most ■oocrete
way we <ian aid the NLF.

We must consciously invoke anti-ImpeijEali^t 1 and
communist consciousness in < all our work aid through
all our demands and struggles, alongside the \ ie ^amese
LibGr»t ! -:i Army, and make concrete' our in ei national
duty. j

of the Intel national
bringing tiie war

IX. Implementation >

1, All chapters should intensify
against ROTC, military research,
the military on campus, as a cone
Vietnamese struggle.

and

■J-tO' t'S it against the American-type enslnvng and,
ieriraVetl' < iilture^ and education now adversely a rfecting
Aur peopl f's hi e, long-standing cultural tra iitions.

to build a national democratic cfdtufe edlication.

' . i i 1*1 1 '

—to deyelop i iclence and technology l| the service,
of national const 'uctior\ and defense. , t |

f- — to educate the' pdople in Vietnam'sl tradition of
struggle against poreig^ invasion and [its h&ofe history.

J. — to preserve ^and develop the fine customs and good :
ijabits of our nation. [ 1 .

| The NLF, led] by the proletariat, has men enacting
the notion of the neyr aemw ratic re volwon In the
liberated ime for eight years. The national de^-r^flc
uWon will! be led bV -the proletariat ^Pkr the us
Withdrawal and >riU proceed throujrh the |tage of New
liemocracyj tO ( socialism. This is vlear ^ view of the
.fact that | in ' struggling against! impertalism, ii^d,
inte.rnationai capitalism, the \ V!f=tKameso people have
understood [that fhey mLsi not give, monopoly capitalism 1

escalate
ind other as
way ofai

s niggles
ilects of.
ling the

2. The solidarity of SDS with the Vietnamese people,
and people's movements throughout 1 he world, at well as
he demand for immediate, uncc4x3lticKialIwitndrawaV of
a(l US troops from Vietnam, should be jraise^*in any
national or regional demonstrations planned jfpr ti\e
future. ( • f .

3. SDS should: conduct r an inteisive |cair
education and' action next 'December to\commei
the ninth anniversary of the fcjunding^of tii*

4. Utetature suitable for mass d-istribtrtiorJ
be published by the National Office ^— such as ex>
from Burcjiett's books, the LO Point Peace Pl^
The general lino of this literature tu&t be :
witii the Ivietnamese people ( cqmp ete vi :tory I
Ni F! ■ j

.5. 'This; resolution -ishould be
National Office as -a ( basic- history
the great struggle t of the Vietjtam^se

6. SDS must implement the but ding of a revolt! ionary
youth movement as the only long-range straf^gyp isii^ie
for SDS in the international strugf le against imper alisra.

■eproduced by the
and STB pos tion on
people!

•^•Caoperati'

New Left \ojcs June-tS, 1969 , " 15.

On NLN

''he ii'unction of the later ial organ or
; pOl Ucal organizatim Should be to
: epurtj to the member t the activities of
i heir comrades In various areas, and
i u promote discusslor wh Ich can flow
; rom {he [experiences < f Uk se activities
i nH in j which all m< mbers can
participate. This j enables . the
< irganlkatlori to chodpe Its political
( irectijon in a i emocratic and
elf icdnscious marine^ throng selection
i mongi various theorea cal and strategic
i iterjnatives which ai| fully presented
Hi toe; membership tiV-ough the paper.
; uchj a! paper '<jan also serve a valuable
i unction as a vehic, e for internal
t ducation insofar as it offers materials
i nd j s^udy guides w! rich enable the
i lembers to undertake heir own critical
; tud^ pt historical anctf political theory,
I artieidarly revolutionary \ Marxism,
I ut hot If it attempts to present large
(jhunft^ of this theory "in a packaged,
sted form. It is on the basis
iese principles that the internal
*per of SDS should be organized,
iiirpose of this resolution is to note
problems and 'shortcomings of
Left Notes at present and . to
e specific measures to make NLN
more democratic and more useful
fbrc.i -in the life of SDS.

PROfatEMS j

(\) Politically, the Lost disturbinR
frerid has developed th the discussion
c f rr(ajor, especialli- international,
c uestiotis. Instead of [substantive axv
opert debate on such issues (for example
£ te i character of thi leadership of
tl e ; yiebf&mese, Cuban, and Chinese
-Sy6l^«n\we find increasingly both
_ root j ahd> indirect Wfforts; by the
h aaership In the National Office to
r ^present certain I positions

ithoritative and beyond challenge.
V\ ith rfespect to Vietna n, for example,
the targe majority 'of recent articles
bieen written by i rational officers
o tajte the position! |that (1) every
pi litical position and ti ctical maneuver
the! National Liberation Front is
clfearlyj correct, becaise the-NLF is
tlie leader of the
st ruggle in * , South
(! )■ critical political
N

by PLer . who attack' i he '
negotiati ig: with" ' rW
ImpenaJiStk over the l bjectioris of thb
leaders of 1 he Chinese C ommunlbt Partyj.!
Is the wort of "count ;r-reyolutionary ^
to the working - class
Short art! cles presenting
opposition viewpoints l ave been printed ;
as letters, so that a de icriptipn of NLN
as a "nwnolithic" fa'cti inai organ! would
be unjustifed at this point; but these
have appea -ed only after pressure wafe
the N.o. $taff by charges
that NLN fras not pitting opposition,
articles.

program,
NLF for

lerig hy
tpal

inti-impeiialigt
Vietnam, and ;
analysis -of, the
-.F (In particular by, revolutionary
its.

sc cialists who point out

ai ti democratic mode

aid its j contradictory and noh -.socialist

of orgamzatioi

(B) A reiaed issue is the reportage'
of Internal life in SDS, which has been
disturbingly, one-sided: at certain key:
points. The {outstanding! example of til's
development was the coverage of the
split in Anp Arbor SDS, in which the
position of one side was 1 fully presented
in NLN, while the article written by -
the opposition "Radical Caucus" was
never printed at all. The reason given
for not printing this article before the
December NC which decided which
faction to recognize as the official
chapter was that the article .'was too
long to be printed, while after the NC
the Radical t Caucus position had of
course been defeated, and so the issue
was dead. Comment' on this argument
will be deferred to the next paragraph.

(C) Considerable space is devoted to'
lengthy j and \ strategically chosen
quotation^ from personalities in the
international revolutionary movement,
most often Mao Tse-tung and Che
Guevara, i In the, issue i prec »dtng the
December NC, for example, ; pace was
given to j articles by Mao, Che, ahii
Jidius Lester, It was sufficiently bad/
that the selections from the writings of
these revolutionary authority figure's
were evidently chosen , to boL"ter tht
position pf the N.O. in Issms to.be
debated at the NC; what :make s it much
wbrse is that the delation of /these
articles ^Would: have created riotfe than
enough space for the AnnjArbcr/fiadical
Caucus document which Was suppressed
on the basts of insufficient space in
NLN. This illustrates at'the' rerV least
an unhealthy conception] ttf prioritlei
in selecting material. ToTgivs a morf
recent example, the N.O. position of

^uncritical j'gloriflcation/of - V: ebiamese
leadership' has been pushed b v printing
an interview with a North V etnaroese
Minister of Education^ in ^hicl i wp learn"
tb'at the party "ensures, ;dt mujeracy*
through! ca.r.ving />•-•' vu K>4 ripal
task," which "IS td reg-na'Je tue itjations ■

uet^veeti man and nian in
the} college,* and by a
•fr>»m- the NLF clalrning
in scores of military pperatii

. everyone, .'else in SDS, w<
.. .' delighted sif we could be
V claims of .massive military
be completely true. It. mu;

'■ frankly, howeyer, that
factional 'reasons for want
to. beUeyeVthese claims in
is convinced to believe 1
millta/y self-Image
rjLF, theni.it becomes easi
this . credence to the NLI
VsUf-in.-ige' as well, which 7 I

. What would make It pc^ss:
t$ adopt officially the bosi
criticism of the NLF/is b
tendency.

;ocleU..«n*
e.verpt
sdfCess'

'«-'"■ U^l I(
would, be >
leve thftse |
sucCes> to
t .be stated
there art
ng ApSers J
W. If one
tjiy in the , *
d by the
to extend
politicdi
precisely
for SDS
th^t any
: eactioo^ry

sib e
iti in

VJE THEREFORE RESOLVE
National Convention esta ilish, 'and
explicitly mandate the edi prial staff
to- Scarry out; the follow ng
regarding- /the operation of

'(A) On nSaJor political issjues where
disagreements exist In SDrf, systematic

[and open Internal^discussic i of these
issues; should be actively or) anized and
carried out In NLN. This w iuld mean,
i or example, that on
international .question (such
constitution of the Chinese
Party, the meaning of Fidi 1

given
the new
Communist
scritiy'al

support" . for the Russian iivasion of

Czechoslovakia) there would tk? a period
of several weeks when spaci would be
reserved to each issue for a tides and
debate that would be active! • solicited
from SDS. 1 These discussion: should be
announced in advance so th it serious
factual and political argume its can be

prepared by all tendencies,
be in addition to the usu
discussions of revolutionary
pf practical strategic persp -ctive (or
tDS, these beiig discussii ns which
cannot generalljl be forma ized and
■ carefully ; structured. Obvic isly, the
extent to which this idea can
out at any given time will
a number of, factors, espc

~his would
ongoing
iieory and

carried
lepend on
ially the.

, amount of space peeded to co -er in full
tile activities and! struggles c irried on
by .SDS chapters, '.the reportin; : of which
is obviously/the most importer t function
of NLN. I

I (B): The views of the nationa officer's
should be. stated regularly, In a clvar'y
delineated and Unnited space. This will
' : cnabfe the; membership »o upder<='--nd

that the

po'icy
NLN:

what! those views' are and crystalline j.
d ; - Mission* As, part • of ' this . >%
re'oi'ijaiiization, there should ; bd. anserid.,.
■ to the presehtatidn of excerpts' fro*;;>
-the writings jof revolutionary! figures/; • '
in a manner ■ that is' . superficially.' . :
"educatiorial* .but in" fact designed -tib^\ i'
artificially support one or lanothcjc. ; !
factional viewpoint (this Is \ not' to '%
suggest that the study of rcYn'ji'Nmary {
theory should be ignored; in fact It wouiil |
be an excellent idea to present a leries * j-
of articles designed tofamili^rizethe, . I.
readers of NLN with the ^generaV >f
literature -o|f. all •yariettes of * I
revolutionary socialist 'thought! and to
help them develop] serious; " study 1
programs for- themselves). "j

(C) Political; developments | within * . '
chapters should be fully reported. It ht* |
been the case that • chapters halve been
very backward in reporting jtheir ■;
activities and direction of development.^ j
. It is ; also true that, as in the Arm Arbor? . '
'^sjpliti such . develobnients" are - not «
. pr6perly presented. It shbuld-be. seen
<is a responsibility both (or: political '
'tendencies in chapters to formulate* i
.positions and submit them for v
publication, and of the national staff •
to print these position's In NLN, ■

,i ' ■

.j CO). In short, NLN must be, made an *;
;open publication. Its purpose Is' to
! present to the membership of,* SDS. the" 1
(views of all political tendencies ' in -
'the Organization,' particularly those
organizing at the rank -and -file 'Chapter'
level. This .purpose cannot be*,'
accomplished ,1 through a S verbal"' •
, commitment ti it, nor simply by the .
' formal passagi of a resolution ! such as'
this one. No .^resolution can' possibly ■' <
solve in a meaningful way=*the problem y
of which tendencies are "sigjilficaj-;* *:
ones; at a given time, or in what '
proportions space in. NLN shpuid b.-*
allotted to vajious kinds or articles.
The establishment of a newspaper'which. •
actually serv,esjlhe needs of SDS.^edple,!
which both presents the vierts and-
programs of majority tendencies a£d "at »
the same time enables minorities to;t -
offer their positions' and attempt to win '
majority support fon themselves; '
possible only i the internal lift of. SDS '.
itseli is vigorous and democratic 1 and
if the editorjal staff of NLN. /is ■
corsciously demoted <to the publication >
.of such a newsp iper. ;

(T.'^v above resolution has' been,
sulmitted to the National Convetrtion.b^ ,
the H evolutionary Socialist Caucus oP
1 ,:ivef«ity of Chicago SDS) .'

V

I nterna!

T

/■

in

SDS

!Th# ifouowing resolution ha|i ( bee v h submitted to thp' National Corivei tioh .
the Lmversity of f ittsburgh ''chapter of SDS.) ; j

iVe j axe opposed to i he princlp)^; of/ a leader^hifj 6^ying to ■radicaliz? then -
ce isclo4Sness # of a rar ^-and-flle ,'tnenibersh i ip from the top down. We feeti that
th i election of officers! jtn SDS mX become an ahnuai^jscramble of cekairi
TrjupingV to impose, tiieir qwn&Jarttcular theories i '-Md strategies i on] the
organization as a wholfej to "rana^aUze'*; our Consciousness for iis (from :'the/
particular viewpoint ofj^hose asgHng; tb ieaderrship)i The major contendirui
gr Duplngs in the organization at present seem to have no qualms about this!
-Itist practice. Their m^ta concern seems to be to make ttieir own Ideoiofical .
' wpoint that which represents^th,e organization as? a whole. We call c i.all
umbers who; are disgusted with this practice to '■ reject all factions and \
si oupings seeking to peVpetuate it.

We also feel that the chaos and confusion, of national c.onventions and National
C( uncil hieetings have xdme to : be detrimental to the meaningful participation
xf the "membership of SDS in organisational decision-making. The programjand
sttements flowing from such, gatherings are hot representative, of ihrg*;.
e jments; of the member ihip, and- are accOrd ngly irreievant to and ignoi*>d by
th f same.

Fioposar One ' > \

Election of national off .cers sho'iild be lifeld
cussiqn of relevant qu istioqs'has been

di:

el>

.' ct'onsj shall be established by .the-
Or uncil meeting of each ; year. "This proposajl
- thin the ! first National OtlmcU r|>eeting.oM
. Ccnvention of 1970 shall j bd 'instructed to
' or rani7ation's constituti in, making wha^t
nc -essaiy on the basis pf thii ; practical
«-.V lioifal | Coiivcntion of 970 shall be ' '
m- moership by, national referehdum.

by national referendurtl after full'.

ried on by the candidates injNew

Ldft Noojsj for at least four consecutive issu< s. Committees to supervise such ,.

National Council at the first National
shall become effective' ni ater
). Delegates to the SDS National
I icorporate this proposal int i the
itevsr modifications are deemed
1 . c xperience; The decision ' of the
subjejet to ratiflcatiortrbf the entire'

19 '0,

Pr iposal| Two , ,

. ^ny St»S regional stri jture should be
to ensuri .'democracy and Wty %itWh the
th; t ourlgoal here is not jdecentralization
srnuld bel established on the basis of gee
' re [ion should have a mini' num of. one full -t mt
wi ,b;n the region (to be ap^roy^ by and pi
comcil, (composed pf one ^ry.seirtative e
region, would' help supeijvise regional, p - •

A

espbllshed throughout : the co
t animation. O^e wish to emph|si7e
I ut.democracy.^md unity.) jte;
gedgr^phical area; and population,
staff worker to service .chai

by thdse chapters), j A
ected from "each chapl

pj t id

?^ch
>l iters ■

' regi
workabl c

hang

The' regional n

1. Make national
. used)' decision -making

paricipalion' In national
workers and council
discussion and voting

2. Create, a more
paying their regional
national oudget. The
and fund raising.

3. Establish a
program. Such a program
throughout the organizati
society, (b) history of
theories of social cha

4. Facilitate greater
. '"National conventions,
' New ,Left Notes are
• reports on regional;

in' 'New Left Notes. j
from the taskfs of el
. manuevering— could be
(and establishing truly
and open atmosphere, .
The National Council
i a program for the con
! by the National Council
■ to carry out this program
Convention oif 1970
organization's com.
nocessary oh the bdsis
Convention of 197Q ; 'shall
,by natlbfjal referendum

f election ;

quid 'serve ... do the fpl owing: j!
lums a moi-e prattical (and thus more frequently-
l ->o|, ensuring greater democracy "and membership '
lecision- making than exists a' present. Regional staff'
m ;mbers wouki be responsib e for seeing U>at . full
place,

financial. base. Regions should -be responsible for
workers" and for providing for a perce>itagb' of the
inal structure would greatly facilitate dues collection ;

framework for a serioiA 'membership' education' .
should ensure a standard minimum level of'knqwledge
< n* of (a) analyses of basic' problems facing American •
r lovemcnts for social change; 'and (c) varlou? major V
g'. , ! - ■ \ • j f

i iter-organizational communication and' fnter^action^
Na ional Council meetings^, and' (iri its present toifri) .
si nply ■ inadequate for .this purpo.se,-Regular, detailed
should be sent to*the' National Office and reprinted
conferences and interregional conferences— free ■'
and decision-maK'irig and from the chaos .of factional '<
Kjsitive tool for. communicatinf if*""' •

activ ty
Regie ial

.. ideas and experiences j
c( mradely relationships) in' a r jlatively uD-n'ressured

shjjuld be instructed to establish i committee to develop. .
implementation' of this^ prt posal, to be vo^d'uppn/;
no later than December,
mmediatcl.v 'hereafter. JVlegjjti
W in s.1 rue led to incorporate
nuking i*h'atevor mixjif r.

)f practicalf experience,
be subjccC to : .T;itin-

Steps should *be taken
les! to\ne'?*'?S.tjational.'-
i'»at :j*^giimJntC} the" .
ration's ]"ar'e adeemed 1
it« \ eeisioh'-ohthe ^JatiGna!

levy

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or ! cost $10 ' fb'r ' non
writers;! unsigned
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J dy.

ial .Office: 16.08

//when publication ^
1608 West Madjison
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